«Террористическая» статья, изменившая мою жизнь

Грэм филлипс – спасибо за помощь русского языка – Наташа Фрайтаг

Евромайдан начался в 21-го ноября 2013 и, говоря честно, я с первого дня был против него. Я жил в Киеве и своими глазами наблюдал те элементы, Svobodaкоторые стояли за Евромайданом (партия Свобода, справа), и ни один из них не вызывал во мне симпатии.


Президент Янукович, возможно, не пользовался популярностью у политических фракций на Украине, но его выборы 2010 года были охарактеризованы наблюдателями как
«впечатляющий пример демократии». Что касается парламентских выборов 2012 года, что бы о них не говорили, наблюдатели от Европейской Академии по наблюдению за выборами (большая часть которых являются также членами Европейского парламента) заявили, что это были «хорошие выборы, не безупречные, но вполне приемлемые».

 

Евромайдан продолжился зимой, и затем вспыхнул в январе сильными беспорядками 19-го января на ул. Грушевского в Киеве, свидетелем 1Euromaidanкоторых был  я сам. 22-го января я видел первые смертельные случаи – Михаила Жызневского, уроженца Беларуси, и Сергея Нигояна, этнического армянина. Внимание было сосредоточено на 21-летнем Нигояне из Березноватовки, небольшой деревни под Днепропетровском, расположенной на востоке Украины, и сопровождалось массированным представлением его как «павшего героя Майдана» и т.д. Я смотрел на эти вещи скорее по-другому, по сути я рассматривал его как беспокойного и беспокоящегося молодого человека с военной подготовкой, присоединившегося к террористическим группировкам. Я написал пост в блоге, заявив, что он был террористом.

К этому моменту мой блог существовал уже больше года, я опубликовал несколько сотен постов, и он становился всё популярнее, от десятков до сотни, а иногда до тысячи просмотров в день. Новый пост, вероятно, Sergey Nihoyanпривлёк бы несколько сотен просмотров в первый день при хорошем раскладе. Мой пост с провокационным названием «Хорошая новость – убили террориста в Киеве», немедленно поджёг фитиль. Это название не задумывалось как необоснованно подстрекательское, скорее я хотел представить полярную позицию относительно общепринятой  версии о Нигояне, как в некотором роде об убитом герое.

Я был на Майдане, видел как протестующие бросали камни и коктейли Молотова, тогда как полиция укрывалась за щитами. К моменту гибели Нигояна протестующие уже перешли к оружию. Несомненно, может быть, полиция на Майдане совершила ошибку, но полицейские были также главным образом молодыми людьми. Тем не менее, на их стороне был закон и приказ не позволить ожесточённой толпе свергнуть Yanukovych Azarovправительство Украины.

Каким бы ни было мнение о том, каким был прежний украинский президент и правительство (слева Янукович и бывший премьер-министр Николай Азаров), и демократия, выбравшая их, нельзя отрицать, что они были намного более демократическими, нежели свергнувший их Евромайдан. Даже если вы оцените число протестовавших на Майдане как минимум в 500,000 человек, это составит всего лишь 1% от населения Украины.

И боевой контингент, приведший к свержению президента и правительства  22-го февраля, составлял всего пару тысяч. Пару тысяч таких, как Сергей Нигоян. Я назвал его террористом тогда, и я назову его террористом сейчас. Конечно, мир сейчас совсем другой и моя собственная жизнь сейчас совсем другая. И та колонка этому способствовала. Поток ненависти лился дождём на меня, сотни комментариев и сообщений, в любой вообразимой форме оскорбления. Теперь у меня много сторонников по всему миру. Тогда я был новичком, и многие ещё не полностью решили, как отнестись к Майдану, у меня было немного настоящих сторонников, возможно один или два комментария разделяли мои чувства.

Остальные были просто тирады ядовитого сарказма. Я помню, как сидел с моей мамой, вернувшись в Великобританию, затем во Франции, на мой birthdayдень рождения (на мой день рождения здесь),  комментарии, пронизанные ненавистью, пожеланиями смерти. Моя мама, просматривавшая их через моё плечо, просто говорила мне «Грэм, что ты сделал…» я был немного шокирован уровнем злобы, но я верил и стоял за то, что написал. Фактически, уровень ненависти зажёг меня и сделал ещё более полным решимости выражать вещи именно так, как я их видел.

Я вернулся на Украину вскоре после этого, но всё уже было по-другому. Я принял решение жить в Одессе, понимая, что там будет меньше журналистской работы, чем в Киеве, но компенсацией за это стала жизнь в удивительном городе Одессе, изучение русского Graham Odessaязыка, больше времени для работы над долгосрочными проектами, книгами и т.д. (моё фото в Одессе)

Как оказалось, в Одессе не было ничего имевшего отношение к любому виду журналистской работы – просто из происходящего там не было ничего достойного внимания, за что я мог бы взяться как фрилансер. Поэтому я начал своё собственное дело, начав вести уроки английского в IT-фирме Ciklum, став единственным учителем там, проводя корпоративные занятия.

И я действительно могу сказать, что у меня была вполне хорошая жизнь. Затем произошёл Евромайдан, и с самого начала я его не поддержал. Я на самом деле думал, что моя карьера как журналиста закончена по причине расхождения моей позиции от вероятно позиции любого западного корреспондента. Так что я даже не стал писать статьи, но активно излагал свои взгляды в Facebook, в моём блоге. Эти взгляды стали расходится со взглядами некоторых студентов из Ciklum, многие из которых купились на обещание Евромайдана «быстрого билета в Европу», на очарование «революции», подогретое западной и украинской прессой. (Я с некоторыми Ciklum studentsстудентами из Ciklum в лучшие времена).

Руководитель Ciklum сторонник Майдана начал вмешиваться в мои занятия. Поддерживающие Евромайдан студенты были возмущены, что я, как житель Запада не только не поддерживал идеи Майдана, но и был активным его критиком. Они начали не только бойкотировать мои занятия, но и оказывать давление на других студентов, не поддерживавших Майдан, чтобы делать так же. Но, тем не менее, я всё ещё держался. Я потерял студентов, что сократило мои группы, и продолжал. Но после «террористической» статьи я вернулся в другой офис. Те, кто ранее был против меня, теперь абсолютно ненавидели меня, давление на других студентов, посещающих мои уроки, выросло настолько, что они вынуждены были почти «бежать сквозь строй», чтобы попасть ко мне на занятия.

Я сопротивлялся первую пару недель февраля, но с каждым днём это становилось всё более жёстким  –  циркулировавшие за моей спиной тайные замыслы выгнать меня, групповые электронные письма распространявшиеся по компании, с целью унизить меня, падение курса гривны предполагало необходимость пересмотреть ставки за мои уроки, Crimea Graham Phillipsоднако руководитель компании делал это совершенно невозможным.

Всё это сочеталось вместе с моим собственным исчезающим интересом к обучению, рассматривая его только как занимающего время в отсутствие журналистики, которой я хотел заниматься, став постоянным сотрудником RT, который нашёл меня через одно из моих постов в блоге, когда события стали перемещаться в направлении Одессы. Я начал больше писать в Твиттере, заявив о своём намерении поехать в Крым (фото 1-е марта, Симферополь), когда поднялись протесты против неизбранной новой власти Евромайдана. В итоге я получил предложение за 500$ написать статью для журнала Politico, параллельно с моим появлением на RT.

Я поехал в Крым, освещая события там, вернулся в Одессу, с трудом дав уроки в течение нескольких дней, с некоторыми экс-студентами теперь откровенно грубыми со мной. Однако это уже не беспокоило меня так сильно. Я был воодушевлён, сосредоточен. В конце первой недели, я был переполнен мыслями о необходимости освещать всё происходящее, ощущая что-то витающее в воздухе, я оставил свою работу в Ciklum, забрал положенные мне от Politico $500 и отправился в поездку по всему востоку Украины…

Rover 75

The Terrorist Article Which Changed my Life

Graham Phillips

Euromaidan kicked off in 21st November 2013, and fair to say I was against it from day 1. I’d lived in Kiev, seen first hand the elements behind Euromaidan Svoboda(Svoboda, right), and none of it washed with me. President Yanukovych may have been unpopular with factions in Ukraine, but his 2010 election was described by observers as an ‘impressive display of democracy‘. As for the 2012 parliamentary election, whatever else is said about them, the observers from the European Academy for Elections Observation (most of whom where European Parliament members), stated it was “a good election, not perfect but clearly acceptable”.

Euromaidan rolled on through winter, then ramped up in January with the 1Euromaidanviolent rioting of January 19th, on Kiev’s Grushevskogo street, which I was witness to. January 22nd saw the first deaths, Mikhail Zhyzneuski, a native of Belarus, and Serhiy Nihoyan, an ethnic Armenian. Attention focused in in Nihoyan, 21, of Bereznovativka, a small village near Dnipropetrovsk, in the east of Ukraine, with mass portrayal of him as a ‘fallen hero of Maidan’ etc. I saw things rather differently, actually I saw him as a troubled, and troubling, young man, with military training, and an affiliation to terrorist groups. I wrote a blog post stating that he was a terrorist.

My blog had been running for over a year by this time, I’d published a couple of hundred posts, and it had been growing in popularity, from dozens, to hundreds, Sergey Nihoyanto sometimes thousands of hits in a day. A new post would likely attract a couple of hundred hits on its first day, if a good day. My post, given the provocative title ‘Good News – Terrorist Killed in Kiev‘, immediately lit the touchpaper. That title, not meant to be gratuitously incendiary, rather to provide a polar position to the mass-purported version of Nihoyan as some sort of a slain hero. I’d been on Maidan, seen protesters hurling missiles, and molotovs as riot police took cover behind shields. Protesters had already moved onto guns by the time of Nihoyan’s death. There can be no doubt that the police on Maidan made mistakes, but they were also mostly young men. However they had the law on their side, and an order not to allow a violent mob to overthrow the government of Ukraine.

Whatever opinion there is of the former Ukrainian president and government Yanukovych Azarov(left, Yanukovych and former Prime Minister Nikolai Azarov), as they were, and the democracy which elected them, there can be no denying that they were far more democratic than the Euromaidan which overthrew them. Even if you put the figure of those protesters on Maidan as a generous 500,000, it’s still only 1% of Ukraine’s population. And the militant contingent which brought about the president, and government’s downfall, on February 22nd, just a couple of thousand. A couple of thousand, like Sergey Nihoyan. I called him a terrorist then, I’ll call him a terrorist now.

Of course the world is very different now, my own life is very different. And that column was instrumental in the latter. A stream of hate rained down upon me, hundreds of comments and messages with every single form of abuse birthdayimaginable. Now, I have a lot of supporters across the world. Then, I was new, and many still hadn’t fully decided what to make of Maidan, I had few real supporters, perhaps one or two comments shared my sentiments.

The rest, just a tirade of vitriol. I remember sitting with my mum, having gone back to the UK, then France, for my birthday (on my birthday here), comments pinging in pouring hatred, death wishes. My mum looking over my shoulder, just saying to me ‘Graham, what have you done…‘ I was a bit shocked by the level of venom, but, believed in, stood by what I’d written. Actually, the level of hatred fired me up, made more more determined to express things exactly as I saw them.

I returned to Ukraine shortly afterwards, and things were never quite the same. I’d taken the decision to live down in Odessa, understanding there would be less Graham Odessajournalism work than in Kiev, but that compensated for by living in the amazing city of Odessa itself, learning Russian, more time to work on longer-term projects, books etc (myself pictured in Odessa here). As it was, there turned out to be next to no journalism work down in Odessa – there was just nothing of sufficient note happening there I could, as a freelancer, pitch in. So, I’d started my own business, beginning English lessons at an IT firm, Ciklum, becoming the sole teacher there, giving corporate classes.

And, if i do say so, I’d been making a pretty good living. Then, Euromaidan came along, and from the start, I didn’t support it. I actually thought my career as a journalist was over due to the divergence in my position and that of, it seemed, every other western correspondent. So, I didn’t even bother pitching articles in, but I was active in my views on Facebook, on my blog. These views started to clash with some of the students of Ciklum, many of whom had subscribed to the Euromaidan promise of a fast ticket into Europe, the associated glamour of the ‘revolution’ added by an instantly sold western, and Ukrainian press. (Myself Ciklum studentswith some Ciklum students, in happier times)

The secretary of Ciklum was a Maidan supporter, had started messing my classes around. The Euromaidan-supporting students were incensed that I, as a westerner wasn’t only not supporting the on-trend Maidan, but was an active critic of it. They had started not only boycotting my classes, but putting pressure on those other non-Maidan students to do so. Yet in all of this, I was hanging in there. I’d lost students, so streamlined my groups, and was getting through it. But, after the ‘terrorist’ article, I came back to a different office. Those previously against me now absolutely hated me, the pressure on those other students attending my lessons ramped up to where they were almost running a gauntlet to get to my classes.

I fought through the first couple of weeks of February, but it was getting tougher by the day – conspiracies going on behind my back to oust me, group emails pinging around the company looking to take me down, the collapsing hryvnia meaning it was necessary to renegotiate the rates of my lessons, but the company secretary making this entirely impossible. This was all coupled with my own losing interest in teaching, viewing it only as taking time from the journalism I wanted to be doing, having become a regular contributor for RT who found me Crimea Graham Phillipsthrough one of my blog posts, as action started to shift down in the Odessa direction. I began tweeting more, stating my intention to go to Crimea (pictured here on March 1st, Simferopol), as it rose up against Euromaidan’s unelected new power. Through this, I received a $500 offer to write an article for Politico magazine, along with an RT appearance.

I went down to Crimea, covered events there, came back to Odessa, ploughed on teaching for a few days, with some ex-students now openly rude to me. Yet, this didn’t bother me so much. I was fired up, focused. At the end of the first week, my mind abuzz with the need to cover everything that was going on, feeling something in the air, I quit my job at Ciklum, took the $500 from Politico, and set off to drive all over the east of Ukraine…

Rover 75

My What’s On Days in Kiev

Graham Phillips

I first lived in Kiev for a few months in 2010, then from mid-2011 through to the start of 2013. Starting late 2011, for the best part of a year I worked at What’s On magazine. The magazine had been founded in 1999, rising to prominence in the Whats On Archive2000s, becoming a Kiev institution under then editor, Peter Dickinson (pictured).

The financial crisis in Ukraine of 2008/9 hit the magazine hard, and with advertising revenue having slumped, it stopped publication for a while, before being sold for a smallish fee, around £30,000, to Paul Niland and Neil Campbell in 2011.

I won’t say too much about either of them now – we had a reasonable working relationship, and sometimes enjoyed a few beers together. I appreciated being Whats On Kievgiven the opportunity to go in there, as the only native English speaking staff journalist, and given a great say in the shape of the magazine. In my time there, I pitched many of the cover stories, came up with new features, refined old ones, wrote a weekly column, did reviews, interviews, articles on history, politics, travel, nightlife, specials, proofread the whole magazine every week before print.

I remember being full of enthusiasm, wanting to make the magazine the best it could be. Knocking my pan out every week, then the excitement of coming into Whats On coverthe office on Thursday morning to find a fresh new copy. Taking a few moments to look through, see how everything had come out, pleasure if it had turned out well, then attention immediately turning to the new edition.

Of course, it was a fight. A fight against the dying of the light, the decline of print media. And, to some extent a fight against the owners. The website was something from the mid-90s, essentially an online word document, yet they didn’t respond to my suggestions to invest, upgrade. The magazine hadn’t even been on Twitter until I’d suggested that. And in a country which ran on discounts, with advertising in the magazine way outnumbered by adverts to take out adverts, I found the blunt refusal to offer even a 5% discount to potential new advertisers bewildering, perverse. Similarly then, the strategy cooked up by one to only distribute the magazine in places which advertised with the magazine. Decreasing circles.

Whats On Kiev3There were other issues too, but in my time there I kept positive, put my heart and soul into each issue of the magazine. By the time I left, in late 2012, my relationship with the owners had gone from strained to untenable. There was a fall-out after my departure, when they came at me for re-using my material we’d earlier agreed I could, an ’email war’ ensued. However, I kept in touch with my colleagues there, kept up to date with the magazine.

Then, Euromaidan, the magazine went all-out for Maidan, portraying the Fullscreen capture 21102015 165648.bmp‘glorious’ heroes of the ‘revolution’ week after week, giving blanket positive coverage. But they were well off the mark, editorially, and technically.

While the Kyiv Post, who also went all-out for Maidan, gave live-updated feeds of fast-moving events in central Kiev, What’s On stuck with the weekly-updated website, until eventually attempting to introduce a kind of ‘live photo feed’, which looked primitive from inception, and in any case at the height of action, almost immediately petered out.

Euromaidan ‘concluded’ with the government overthrow on Saturday, February Fullscreen capture 21102015 172938.bmp22nd, 2014. On the 24th, the first Monday back at work, a meeting was convened and the staff, some 20, were told that the Euromaidan their publication had so enthusiastically supported had ‘won’, and that What’s On was now ceasing publication.

So it was, the 16-year-old magazine, which had once generated sufficient revenue to grant its previous owners not insubstantial wealth, the title which was still known across Kiev and beyond, put out an announcement that they were going ‘on a break’.

From my former colleagues there, I understood from the start this ‘break’ was the end. I felt sad for them, most now without jobs at a time of economic collapse in Ukraine, a few kept on for sister publication Panorama. There was the perhaps Whats On Ukraineinevitable struggle for what they were owed, with most eventually just accepting not all, but part of what was due to them. I felt sad for the magazine, which could have absolutely been saved, with some foresight, some investment, even in a post-Euromaidan Ukraine where, as the owners explained in the mass lay-off meeting ‘no one’s got any money for adverts anymore’.

(One of my articles, to the right)

I don’t want to say anything against either of the owners, Campbell I’ve had no contact with for a long time, Niland both blocked me, and fairly regularly trolls me on Twitter, having seemingly turned into a pro-Maidan activist. Actually, I was informed that the man I knew as a magazine owner had set up a new business – the online selling of bracelets saying ‘Fuck Fullscreen capture 21102015 173256.bmpPutin‘. Seriously.

So, the going down of the What’s On website, seemingly permanently, may be to get at me. Or it may be more prosaic, the domain simply expiring. There were initial attempts to keep the Facebook page alive, but that went down to Niland trying to sell his car on it.

In any case, it’s a shame to see the site go down, taking with it all my work there. I feel a mixture of nostalgia, but that it removes important information. I frequently find myself attacked by ‘pro-Ukraine’ supporters on Twitter, and so, accused of ‘hating’ Ukraine. The truth is that, as my writing for What’s On showed, before Whats On Kiev GrahamEuromaidan, you could hardly have found a correspondent who wrote more consistently, and more positively about Ukraine.

Of course, my columns are all available by access to Way Back Machine. But you really have to dig to find them there, which few will do. I’ll have a look through and republish certain of them on here, but whatever way I look at it, it’s a shame. A year of my work, gone either from malice, or because someone didn’t want to pay a few dollars a year to renew a site which actually contained thousands of fascinating articles by many authors. It’s not on, What’s On…

Drones in a War Zone – Some Do’s and Don’ts

Graham Phillips

The world of drone-flying is still new, unchartered territory – affordable domestic Graham drone1drones have only really appeared in the last year, now there are hundreds of thousands all over the world.  They’ve quickly become more powerful too, capable of flying kilometres in range, vertically.

Effective mini-helicopters, free of legislation which has failed to keep up with them. So many ‘who knows?’ about drones – can you fly them in cities? Could you fly one in central London say? Will the future, as they proliferate, be drones buzzing and wizzing about all our skies? There are signs of the law starting to reign in the era of the drone ‘free for all’ –

graham phillips droneI was very pleased to see my drone footage featured recently in the Huffington Post. However, it’s not always been plain flying operating a drone in the war zone.

Back in April, I crowdfunded my first drone, a Phantom 2. It’s actually a fairly basic drone, but there are few feelings quite like your first drone – actually operating what’s in effect a mini helicopter. Putting something up in the sky, more something which shows a live feed of what it can see. You can hardly avoid comparisons to a kid at Christmas and so forth.

I returned to Donbass in May so enamoured with my new gadget, I wanted to fly it over everything, everywhere, all the time. Which I did in my previous stint reporting in Donbass, learning a few important lessons in the process.

Do’s – 

A drone can show destruction in a way just not possible for ground-based cameras. It can show more information than ground-based cameras can, instantly, more effectively. Here we can see, by use of drone, clear demonstration that shelling was hitting entirely residential areas, of Donbass –

A drone is incredible at capturing objects hit by shelling, burning, once again conveying the key visual information much quicker than a ground camera, adding more information. So do it carefully, but do it if you can –

It can make event footage absolutely stunning –

Or just really cool –

So these are all Do’s – now to – 

Don’ts

I was so keen to fly my drone everywhere, I flew it everywhere – including over Ukrainian positions, from DPR positions were I was –

There is a fact of flying a drone on the frontline of battle, that you can’t do it without a commander, or soldier looking over you either from curiosity or supervision. This leaves you incredibly open to allegations of ‘spying’ –

Fullscreen capture 21102015 210858.bmpAnd another fact is you have to show drone footage to the commander of the positions from which you’re filming, as protocol. As in the case of the below drone footage, i showed it, got approval for for. But was still accused of ‘revealing’ positions of the side I was filming from – see comments here –

graham drone2So, it’s tempting to want to film from the frontlines, but for all sorts of reasons, one best to resist. So not to drone on (sorry), to wrap up on a (kind of) positive. A drone puts the power in your hands to show something which can change the world.

This recent footage, from Pervomaisk, was featured in the Huffington Post, and, judging from the messages and feedback to myself, to many, it ‘put Pervomaisk on the map’, making people aware of the dire situation there. It was also one of the key reasons for my signing a contract with Broadband TV to more widely distribute my work –

In a war zone, as a journalist, your drone can be your most powerful weapon. Follow the tips above, don’t turn it up yourself, and it take you, and your viewers, to places you’d never imagined possible.

The UK Gets Set to Welcome Ukrainian Neo-Nazi Andriy Parubiy

Graham Phillips

Back in 2009, far-right Dutch politician Geert Wilders was initially banned from entering the UK, due to his views. That ban was rescinded on appeal, Wilders was admitted. But the principle, supposedly, that the UK doesn’t allow known, high Andriy Parubiy1profile exponents of far-right, ultra-national, politics which could be termed ‘fascist’ or ‘neo-Nazi’ to cross its borders.

Fast forward 6 years, and a man who makes Wilders look like a moderate is not only to be let into the UK, but warmly welcomed as a VIP guest by the UK government, coming for a series of meetings with government officials, think tanks and the Ukrainian community.

So, who exactly are they meeting? Well, Andriy Parubiy, 44, of the Lviv area of Fullscreen capture 20102015 005820.bmpUkraine, formed the Ukrainian National Socialist Party, its name drawn from Nazism, its tenents, its symbols drawn from Nazism. On October 23rd, he’s guest of honour at the prestigious Royal United Services Institute, that being the Professional Forum in the UK for those concerned with National and International Defence and Security. The talk’s to take place at Whitehall, just a couple of hundred metres away from 10 Downing Street itself.

So who really is the man feted as First Deputy Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada (Supreme Council of Ukraine) and former Head of the National Security and Defense Council. Only holding the latter position for just over 5 months is actually the least of his problems. Channel 4 described him as

“Parubiy was the founder of the Social National Party of Ukraine, a fascist party styled on Hitler’s Nazis, with membership restricted to ethnic Ukrainians. The Social National Party would go on to become Svoboda, the far-right nationalist Andriy Parubiyparty.” 

Quite a difference to his glowing write-up on the RUSI site (a young Parubiy pictured at a meeting, right) –

Andriy Parubiy is First Deputy Speaker, Parliament of Ukraine. He is a former Member of Parliament (VIII convocation), Narodnyy Front faction and Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine (2014) and during 2013-2014 was Head of the Maidan Self-Defense Forces. Between 2012-2014 he was a Member of Parliament (VII convocation), Batkivshchyna faction and a Member of the Science and Education Committee of the Verkhovna Rada. From 2007-2012, he was Member of Parliament (VI convocation), Nasha Ukraina faction and a Member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Verkhovna Rada. He was educated within the Faculty of History at Lviv National University (1994).

And even the Channel 4 description only skims the surface. Parubiy himself has never even tried to deny the lineage of his 1991-formed Social National Party of Ukraine as deriving predominantly from Nazi ideology. Their symbol, the Wolfsangel (pictured), now most known for its association with radical Ukrainian Wolfsangelneo-Nazi Azov battalion,  is described, along with Parubiy’s SNPU itself in (Andreas Umland and Anton Shekhovstov, Ultra right Party Politics in Post-Soviet Ukraine and the Puzzle of the Electoral Marginalism of Ukrainian Ultranationalists in 1994–2009) –

“… of these various Ukrainian nationalist parties the SNPU was the least inclined to conceal its neo fascist affiliations. Its official symbol was the somewhat modified Wolf’s Hook (Wolfsangel),used as a symbol by the German SS division Das Reich and the DutchSS division Landstorm Nederland during World War II and by a numberof European neofascist organizations after 1945. As seen by the SNPU leadership, the Wolf’s Hook became the “idea of the nation.”

Ukraine NazisMoreover,the official name of the party’s ideology, “social nationalism,” clearly referred back to “national socialism”—the offcial name of the ideology of the National-Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) and of the Hitlerite regime. The SNPU’s political platform distinguished itself by its openly revolutionary ultranationalism, its demands for the violent takeover of power in the country, and its willingness to blame Russia for all of Ukraine’s ills. Moreover, the SNPU was the first relatively large party to recruit Nazi skinheads and football hooligans.” 

Andriy Parubiy2Between 1998-2004 Parubiy was the head of paramilitary youth wing of Social-Nationalist Party ‘Patriot of Ukraine‘, which existed until December 2014 when it merged with the similarly far-right, neo Nazi Right Sector (Pravy Sector), who would play such a key role in Euromaidan. He was engaged with and co-ordinating their various violent actions, which ranged from simple football violence to attacks on anything associated with Russia – Parubiy himself was put on trial for alleged assault on communist demonstrators in Lviv on 7 November 1997. Parubiy himself has an extensive history of violence, Parubiy’s book ‘A View from the Right‘, was published in Lviv in 1999, a quote from that here –

“Young men with loose long dirty hair and worn out jeans propagate dissoluteness and pacifism – that’s the result of expansion into Ukraine of American way of life and liberal ideology. Russian-speaking criminal world, devoid of spirituality, without national roots – is the legacy of communist rule in Ukraine.” Parubiy ‘The view from the right ‘ (p. 15)

SvobodaParubiy left the SNPU in 2004, by then the party had rebranded itself as Svoboda, the Nazi lineage remaining, and ever more prevalent as they came to increasing prominence – renaming a street in the Lviv area from ‘Peace Street’ to ‘Nachtigall Street’, honouring the Ukrainian battalion who fought alongside the Nazis, with senior member Yuriy Mykhalchyshyn translating the texts of, and open in his reverence of Joseph Goebbels. Numerous anti-Semitic statements, violent attacks on anything connected with Russia, open racism, attacks on homosexuals … it goes on.

Andriy Paribuy Maidan DefenceParubiy has maintained close ties with his former parties, openly allying with them as he became commander of the Euromaidan ‘Defence’, in the violent overthrow of the Ukrainian government of 2014 (pictured).

He was in charge of the various paramilitary units during this, mobilising them throughout the 3 months of bloody conflict which resulted in the forcing out of Ukraine’s president, and government on February 22nd. There have been allegations he was responsible in instigating the notorious sniper fire of February 20th, where Euromaidan organisers fired on their own activists to escalate the situation.

There is also a connection between Parubiy, and the Odessa massacre of May Odessa_Mykola_Parubiy2nd, 2014. He was seen, on April 29, 2014 (right), delivering military grade bullet proof vests to the Euromaidan activists who would play an integral part in the burning of the Trade Union House base of pro-Russian activists, just days later, with mass loss of life.

So, what is Parubiy’s aim in coming to the UK? Almost certainly aligned with that of his previous visits, to Canada and the UK, where he appealed with those countries to increase their military aid to Ukraine, to send lethal aid.

Unlike Wilders, the UK press have so far kept quiet about Parubiy, the RUSI are Parubiycertainly keeping quiet about his Nazi connections. Parubiy is set to take his place at 11am, on October 23rd, at RUSI, Whitehall, London, SW1A 2ET, to ‘discuss Ukraine’s experiences in countering separatist and Russian actions, with particular focus on assessing the role of hybrid warfare’.

It’s unclear if his audience, and the event is free, open to everyone, via online booking, will know that they are taking ‘expert advice’ from a man who formed a Ukrainian neo-Nazi party, let alone be able to ask him about that.

You Show Me (#2) – Photos from Today- Soledar

Sasha

Photos from the small town of Soledar, not far from Artemovsk, some 100km from Donetsk, similarly part of the Donbass anti-Maidan uprisings of 2014, recaptured by Ukrainian forces on the 21st July 2014.

 

Now you can see how life in a Ukraine-occupied town looks – there’s lots of flags, Ukrainian colours, and lots of soldiers and military vehicles.

Please – send me your photos and videos – to gwplondon@gmail.com – thank you!

Soledar (1) Soledar (2) Soledar (3) Soledar (4) Soledar (5) Soledar (6) Soledar (7) Soledar (8) Soledar (9) Soledar (10) Soledar (11) Soledar (12) Soledar (13) Soledar (14) Soledar (15) Soledar (16) Soledar (17) Soledar (18) Soledar (19) Soledar (20) Soledar (21) Soledar (22) Soledar (23) Soledar (24) Soledar (25) Soledar (26) Soledar (27) Soledar (28) Soledar (29) Soledar (30) Soledar (31) Soledar (32) Soledar (33) Soledar (34) Soledar (35) Soledar (36) Soledar (37) Soledar (38) Soledar (39) Soledar (40) Soledar (41) Soledar (42) Soledar (43)

 

Вы показываете (#2) – Сегодняшние фото – Соледар

Саша

Сегодняшние фото –  Соледар находится недалеко от Артемовск (14 км) (и как Артемовск – 90 км от Донецка – захвачен ВСУ июле 2014 года.)

Гулял с детьми и сразу фотографировал. Весь город раскрашен в желто-голубые цвета, как флаг Украины. Я специально высылаю фото детских площадок, качелей, каруселей итд, чтоб Вы сами посмотрели. МНОГО солдат и техники.

Пожалуйста, пришлите мне ваши фотографии и видео! спасибо большое! Гриша… gwplondon@gmail.com)

Soledar (1) Soledar (2) Soledar (3) Soledar (4) Soledar (5) Soledar (6) Soledar (7) Soledar (8) Soledar (9) Soledar (10) Soledar (11) Soledar (12) Soledar (13) Soledar (14) Soledar (15) Soledar (16) Soledar (17) Soledar (18) Soledar (19) Soledar (20) Soledar (21) Soledar (22) Soledar (23) Soledar (24) Soledar (25) Soledar (26) Soledar (27) Soledar (28) Soledar (29) Soledar (30) Soledar (31) Soledar (32) Soledar (33) Soledar (34) Soledar (35) Soledar (36) Soledar (37) Soledar (38) Soledar (39) Soledar (40) Soledar (41) Soledar (42) Soledar (43)