Updates from the DLPR (#7) Donetsk Destruction in 360 Degrees (Videos)

Two recent videos, as I try out the still new 360 degree video format (you can control the camera yourself, via the panel in top left), to take you on a tour of the destruction wrought on Donetsk by Ukrainian shelling of the city – first a trip along the Stratonatov street, near the airport –

Here, a tour around a completely wrecked Donetsk home –

The OSCE in Donetsk – What are they there for?

Graham Phillips

The OSCE, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, have been a sizeable presence in Donetsk for over 2 years now, with their fleet white Toyota Landcruiser vehicles in the city, and personnel numbering in total near 600 in Donbass, many of whom are based in Donetsk, being as it is the largest urban centre in Donbass, plus still at the centre of ongoing hostilities (the Lugansk area now, largely calm).

Ostensibly, they are here to report on ceasefire violations, shelling, and other incidents related to a situation classified as war, in Donetsk, since May 26th, 2014. They provide spot reports, on their website, and maintain a Twitter feed.

Yet, for an organisation over 40-years-old – it has its origins in the 1975 Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) held in Helsinki, Finland – there’s an alarming absence of any coherent policy. Take speaking to the media, you can, on occasion find a friendly OSCE monitor who will be more than happy to. But last week, when I tried speaking to them, one of them even slapped my camera –

More importantly, this shelling was abundantly clearly from Ukrainian positions. Yet, in their spot report, the OSCE didn’t identify the Grads as having come from Ukrainian positions, writing fired from a direction ranging from south-west to west – the only positions there are Ukrainian positions.

So, what happened? The report came out, went largely unnoticed. Yet, if the OSCE had come out and said that shelling from Ukraine-controlled territory had hit, and wrecked, homes in Donbass? That would have made a story, no matter how begrudgingly, the western media would have had to cover it.

So, why didn’t the OSCE say who controlled the territory from which the shelling came? Again, there’s no coherent policy, because when the OSCE want to say who controls the territory from which shelling came, they can absolutely do that – as in January 2015, Mariupol – OSCE mission report: Mariupol shelled from rebel-controlled territory | KyivPost

So, what’s going on? When shelling comes from Ukraine-controlled territory, they osce-hugsimply give directions, yet when they can say it came from ‘rebel’ territory they shout that from the rooftops? Where’s the policy?

After all, this is an organisation which makes a big show of caring about casualties of the conflict in Donbass. The Principal Deputy Chief Monitor, and de facto ‘face’ of OSCE operations in Donbass, Alexander Hug (pictured), recently stating – In whose interests is it when children are endangered? Last Fri 4 y-old boy spent night in freezing basement as Debaltseve was shelled.

Yet, if the OSCE had actually stated who was doing the shelling, surely this situation could have been resolved much earlier? The entire conflict in Donbass is predicated on the concept perpetuated in the west that Ukraine are somehow the ‘good guys’, defending their land against ‘Russian aggressors’. But, if a wider audience knew Ukrainian forces were targeting civilian areas with shelling, on a daily basis, it’s untenable western governments would have been able to support Ukraine as they have, and pressure on the Kiev government could have resulted in the conclusion of this protracted, bloody conflict a long time ago.

However, the OSCE not reporting who is responsible for the shelling is far from the only problem with their ‘mission’ in Donbass. Often, they simply don’t turn up to shelling sites. This recent scene, the village of Alexandrovka, the edge of Donetsk, around 20km from the centre of Donetsk, and the OSCE simply didn’t go there –

As the woman in the video explains, the OSCE have, arbitrarily, decided to draw a line which they won’t go beyond. The OSCE didn’t visit this scene at all, and on the day, I took a couple of photos of their fleet, apparently all, or almost all, back at basecamp in the centre of Donetsk – osce-donetsk


There are a lot of questions to put the OSCE – why no coherent policy on speaking to the media? Why do they blame one side for shelling, but cover up for the other? Why, when they have all the resources, do they choose not visit some shelling sites?

Perhaps, an over-riding question, in Donetsk, just what are the OSCE there for?

Updates from the DLPR (#6) An Escalation, then a Calming

Graham Phillips

I arrived back in Donetsk just over a week ago, and was immediately pitted back into the unwelcome routine of daily attending scenes of Ukrainian shelling. On the 18th, it was the edge of Donetsk, and a home hit by 122mm Ukrainian shelling, from their positions at the nearby village of Pesky, northwest of Donetsk –

(A huge thanks to Sergey Yermolayev and Anastasia

The next day, it was a trip to the western edge of Donetsk, and the village of Staromikhailova, where Ukrainian forces had fired 152mm artillery on homes, from their positions at nearby Marinka –

Here was a conversation with residents there –

The 20th began with an early morning trip to Zaitsevo, on the outskirts of Gorlovka, where a man herding his cows had been blown up by a Ukrainian-planted landmine –

Next, it was a journey of around 118km to the village of Stilo, where Ukrainian forces at the nearby village of Nikolaevka had launched a Grad attack hitting a home –

ukraine-grad ukraine-grad1

A nearby farm had also been hit. The OSCE were on the scene, and with the direction of shelling absolutely clear, I asked if they would be stating that it was Ukrainian forces who had shelled. This was their answer –

And, in their report, they also didn’t identify the Grads as having come from Ukrainian positions, writing fired from a direction ranging from south-west to west – the only positions there are Ukrainian positions.

Which leads to the rather uneasy question, if the OSCE are not doing their designated job here, and they are clearly not, then what are they doing in Donbass?

On a more positive note, the 20th November was the last, to date, shelling I’ve had to report on as, over the past few days, no hits of note have been reported, and shelling, a few days ago highly audible in Donetsk, has substantially subsided.

That’s all for this update, more soon. For this time, it was an escalation, then a calming.

Your Opportunity to Help Donbass

I’d like to draw your attention to 2 appeals. Firstly, I know many of you have seen my film about a Donass opolchen, a hero, killed in action – Aramis. 

Here is the appeal, which would mean the world to his family, and more, to raise funds for a headstone for Aramis –


And here’s your opportunity to become a friend to a children’s home in Donbass, and make a meaningful difference to the lives of over 200 children there –

You can contact the school directly here –


Huge thanks for helping!


Saakashvili – Lost at Sea in Odessa

Graham Phillips

As he stood by Odessa’s port on Monday, readying to deliver a resignation speech, as governor of Odessa, which would launch a broadside against Ukraine, Mikheil Saakashvili looked considerably older than his 48 years. He looked a very long way indeed from the once dashing figure, electrifying the global political scene with pledges to bring Georgia into the sphere of modern Europe.

In fact, he bore more than a passing resemblance to Michael Henchard, the main character saakashvili-odessa-1in Thomas Hardy’s ‘Mayor of Casterbridge‘, worn down by successive failures, as he issues a weary ‘I am to suffer, I perceive’.

Saakashvili prides himself on being an educated man, speaking five languages – but it’s unknown if he’s a fan of the work of titan of English literature, Thomas Hardy. If he were, he’dve recognised his 18 month tenure as the governor of Odessa beset by the kind of foreboding background Hardy used to set the mood for tragedy to come. In October of 2015, coming on for six months of his reign, a civilian passenger boat capsized in Odessa, with the loss of at least 12 lives, the worst maritime disaster of its kind in post-Soviet Ukraine. Saakashvili rushed back from his trip to the western Ukrainian city of Lvov to be there, but there were already comments at that time that it would be better if he hadn’t bothered. 

Almost exactly a year later, in October of 2016, Odessa was lashed by extreme storms, leaving at least three dead, again, the worst of its kind in post-Soviet Ukraine. Meanwhile, Saakashvili’s own time at the helm of Odessa lurched from crisis to disaster to catastrophe, before on Monday he walked the gangplank.

saakashvili-tieThere may be not be an image quite as iconic as Saakashvili eating his tie upon realising he’d misjudged his South Ossettia military action of 2008, but his ill-fated time in Odessa leaves a legacy of embarrassments, memes, unfulfilled pledges, and the feeling that almost everything he touched there turned to failure.

His appointment on May 30th 2015, came somewhat out of the blue. Saakashvili had been an enthusiastic cheerdleader for Euromaidan, but in the aftermath of that, had actually moved to the USA, Williamsburg, Brooklyn. February of 2015 saw him called to Ukraine, initially sitting on a fairly inconsequential advisory panel for a couple of months at the start of the year, in April he turned down the chance to become First Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine, stating his unwillingness to rescind his Georgian passport to take up Ukrainian. But then May, suddenly everything had changed. The former close ally of George W. Bush jr was hurriedly rolled out a Ukrainian passport on May 29th, appointed porohenko-saakashviligovernor of Odessa.

Tbilisi native Saakashvili was the first non-Ukrainian by birth to be named to head of what is in effect a provincial government. The post was made vacant largely because previous incumbent, Igor Palytsia, was an ally of oligarch Igor Kolomoisky, with whom Poroshenko had had a very public falling out, before effecting a purge of those loyal to him.

According to Poroshenko, his old friend (from university days) Saakashvili “has proven with deeds, not words that he can not only give birth to creative ideas, but also put them into practice.” He added Georgia’s ex-president had changed his country “in the direction of transparency, effectiveness, anti-corruption, appeal for foreign investors, fair justice, protection of citizen’s rights, democracy,” something Poroshenko “would like to see very much” in Odessa.

And so it was, the man who made a venomous hatred for Russia one of his calling cards, saakashvili-putinfrequently calling Russians ‘barbarians’, and personal vendetta against Putin ‘I hate Putin’, was appointed governor of a city in which pro-Russia demonstrations would easily outnumber pro-Ukrainian, before the brutal events of May 2nd 2014, the burning of Trade Union House with mass loss of life on side of pro-Russian protesters, and subsequent campaign of repression against them.

Saakashvili’s appointment saw him posting an ‘I heart Odessa’ status on his Facebook, and indeed the US were so happy with the appointment they promptly offered to foot the bill for the salaries of Saakashvili and his team. In the city which was once considered the fourth city of the Russian empire, Saakashvili started out by making the obligatory big noises about plans to make Odessa the most powerful port in the Black Sea, and so forth.

Yet, the man known as ‘Misha”s professed love was never reciprocated by locals – he met with a decidedly choppy response from Odessites, from the start, with the mishiko-go-homeblack sea residents, famous for their laconic sense of humour, taking to hanging ties on landmarks around the city. July of 2015 saw anti-Maidan activists marching a goat through the city with placards declaring ‘Saakashvili Go Home’, and acvitists stating:’ Activists continued their protest campaign a few days later, this time launching a giant red balloon featuring his image and the phrase ‘Mishiko Go Home!’, complete with a large red necktie dangling from his mouth. Then in August of 2015, an actual statue of Saakashvili, taking the role of dog to Obama’s master, appeared on the city’s iconic Primorsky Boulevard.


Meanwhile, on the more serious side, reports emerged of Saakashvili, along with being wanted by his own country’s prosecutors for embezzlement, abuse of power and politically-motivated attacks, also wanted for murder in Georgia.  Things only got worse with the appointment of his team, a self-consciously ‘star-studded’ line-up looking more akin to the judging panel on a tv talent show than those capable of managing a port-and-resort city of 1 million which had derived much of its former prosperity from hundreds of thousands of yearly Russian visitors.

The appointment of Maria Gaidar as deputy governor, a glamorous, young Russian opposition maria-gaidar-odessafigure, was one Saakashvili likely thought would be a hit. He even stated she was ready to rescind her Russian citizenship, and apply for Ukrainian. However she fell at the first hurdle, when refusing to say that Ukraine was at war with Russia in interview, attracting the ire of Ukraine’s media, and Euromaidan supporters who had trumpeted Saakashvili’s appointment as a triumph. Ukrainian parliament member and former deputy governor of Dnepropetrovsk Borys Filatov, famous for his “we will hang the scum” line regarding Crimeans seeking independence from Ukraine, responded harshly to Gaidar’s stance

They simply don’t give a **** about our country. They are making money here. Or are fulfilling their sick ambitions. Or are training themselves ‘on cats.’ Choose the option for their motivation yourself,” Filatov posted on Facebook.

Then there was Saakashvili’s obsession with Yulia Marushevska- activist and aspiring actress best known for her part in Euromaidan promotional video ‘I am a Ukrainian‘ in Saakashvili OdessaFebruary of 2014. She spent most of her time after that appearing on chat shows speaking about that, until Saakashvili seemingly spotted her political potential, making her third in command in his team. It’s unclear what she did in her months in this job, but in any case, in October of 2015, Saakashvili promoted her to Customs Chief for Odessa, in charge of the biggest port insert.

Saakashvili’s other appointment to deputy,  Afghan war hero Vladimir Zhmak, also had no experience in civil service, something an enthusiastic Saakashvili saw as a plus, posting on his Facebook that their lack of experience was a good thing because my goal is to bring new, fresh, uncorrupted, competent people.”

Yulia Marushevska Odessa 1What happened? Gaidar’s tenure was an unmitigated disaster, alienating even those who had supported Saakashvili, with her backing out of taking Ukrainian citizenship, resigning in a hail of protest in May of 2016.  Zhmak signed off in July of 2016 with a cheerful ‘Goodbye Odessa’ message on his Facebook. Marushevska has proved incompetent spilling into inept in her role as customs chief, embroiled in endless internecine conflict, with Odessa’s port practices stuck in the past, and revenues actually decreasing by 30 percent, while in Ukraine as a whole, revenues were reported as up 21 percent. Marushevska is now reported to be considering her own position. 

What were Saakashvili’s other big ideas for reform? Fire everyone, call them all ‘useless’, employ new and untested people. Unfortunately for Saakashvili, his new people turned out to be just as, if not more ‘useless’ than their predecessors, and he failed in making any headway in his ‘war against corruption’. 

saakashvili-odessa-busInitial, PR-winning stunts, such as his taking public transport to ‘touch base with locals’, petered out. By October of 2015, locals who’d opened precious wine in honour of his appointment were beating a path to his door to berate him. And after his candidate for mayor, Alexander Borovyk, was defeated, by Gennadiy Trukhanov (who Saakashvili had frequently, publicly slated), in October of 2015, Saakashvili largely withdrew from the Odessa scene.

Meanwhile things had quickly unravelled for Saakashvili with other government figures. In December of 2015, at a government meeting, he got into a heated argument with interior minister Arsen Avakov, that ended with Avakov throwing a glass of water at Saakashvili, who retorted that Avakov was a “thief” who would go to prison. Avakov later described Saakashvili as a “bonkers populist”

Even a western media inclined to be more than benevolent to Saakashvili had long changed their tune on him, by the time of his resignation. Polish press were writing in February of 2016, that ‘His work so far has failed to bring any spectacular successes in any of the priority areas of activity.’ This article in Foreign Policy, from October 2016, painted a prophetic pictured of a man defeated. The Ukrainian press were stronger still, a Ukrainian saakashvili-odessa-2journalist writing in October of 2015 that Saakashvili was ‘dull’ and ‘stank’. 

The writing was on the line in May of this year, when Saakashvili gave an interview to Shaun Walker of the Guardian, calling Ukraine’s government a ‘bunch of mediocre people’, with ‘no vision for reform’, and openly criticising his former ally, Poroshenko. The article predictably made waves, causing Saakashvili to issue a statement that Walker, his ‘longtime friend’, had ‘clearly perverted’ their conversation. Walker, however, stuck by his article, with dictaphone recording to back it up.

Much of what Saakashvili said in his resignation, blasting the Kiev government, singling out President Petro Poroshenko, saying he had been complicit in obstructing various reforms, had clearly well fomented when he spoke with Walker in May. But the vitriol had only increased with the passing of months, as he blasted: ‘“What difference for Ukrainians does it make who will treat them like dirt: Poroshenko or Yanukovych; what difference who will steal from them?”’

Having made some effort to speak Ukrainian during his tenure, Saakashvili reverted to the Russian he knows better for his signing-off salvo –

Saakashvili’s taking on the role in Odessa was largely motivated by his desire to escalate his personal (somewhat one-sided) battle with Putin. He leaves the post, with harsher words about the man who employed him, Poroshenko. He leaves with almost all of his much-vaunted reforms, and project, having ignominiously failed. As Walker wrote ‘The sad demise of Saakashvili and his bold new vision‘. He wrote that in 2008. Time moves on, but Saakashvili’s ‘bold new visions’ always seem to end the same way.

And so it is, like Michael Henchard, after another failure, Saakashvili sets off again.

A Graham Newsletter (#15) Lots of Information!

Firstly, I want to say a huge thanks to all of you involved in my crowdfunding campaign – you got it over the line, we reached target, and it means I can contine my independent, objective journalism here in Donbass!

What you made possible, along with daily reportage, are projects like this, a film – now with English subtitles, from Krasnodon, as they marked their City Day –

That will be my final crowdfunder for this year, although I’ll be doing one to raise funds for a headstone for the fallen hero of my film of early 2016, Aramis. Look out for that soon.

My attention now turns to rewarding all those of you who’ve helped, been involved in my crowdfunding, and I’ll be fulfilling all of the pledges to you, hopefully even exceeding them!

Of course, so much has happened since the last newsletter. Firstly, DPR commander Motorola was killed in Donetsk, on October 16th, blown up in the lift of the apartment building in which he lived.

I first met Motorola in Slavyansk, spring of 2014, when he was just another ‘opolchenets’, we exchanged a few words. When I saw him again, by this time his having already become a commander, at Donetsk airport in October of 2014, and started filming him, asking questions, he appeared a little piqued ‘don’t you remember me from Slavyansk?’. He was in good spirits at this time, always obliging for an interview, see one of our interviews here, full English subtitles, from October 2014 –

I filmed Motorola a lot in the months leading up to the taking of Donetsk airport by DPR forces, led by commanders Motorola and Givi, both videos, and photos, such as this one here, perhaps the best known –


Being in different places in Donbass, I hadn’t seedn Motorola for over a year, and  was in Ekaterinburg, the Urals, when Motorola was killed. Of course, it was a shock. I naturally turned to Facebook to express my views on what had happened, and Motorola, in an even-handed post. However, this being Facebook, this post was removed, and I was hit with a 30-day ban.

That marks the end of myself and Facebook – I subsequently removed my account, and won’t be back there. There’s no point in being on a site on which I can’t say anything I want, or need to say. Facebook clearly isn’t set up for that – as soon as you say something which doesn’t fit their, pretty blatant, narrative – you’re off.

I don’t want the hassle of never knowing if I’ll be blocked or not, sitting out bans, and more, I don’t want to support such an oppressive site of online social repression, rather than networking.

About Motorola, to say succinctly. He was a warrior, at times, in extreme situations, he could be pretty sharp with his choice of words. But, he could surprise you with a caring side, concerned for the safety of journalists on his territory, had a great sense of humour. He truly loved Donbass, his family there. Whatever his background, he was in Donbass of motorola-grahamhis own volition, and for principles. Not even his enemies, and there were many, could say he wasn’t brave – he was always ready to lead the charge in battle. He shaped the Donetsk People’s Republic which we know now, so much simply would never have been without him.

I knew him as a journalist, am proud to have known him, and very sad about what happened. Thoughts with his family, and respect for the life of a man who always put himself on the frontline.

I was honoured to see my photo used as a mural in Motorola’s honour, in St Petersburg (vandalised, subsequently restored) –


As for the Urals, Ekaterinburg, I’d gone there to continue work on a film I’m making, about the young Lugansk journalist Irina Gurtyak, more of which later, tragically killed in a car crash in January of this year. I filmed Irina’s relatives and friends there –

And I also spent some time, including filming reportage, in the beautiful city of Ekaterinburg, and around.

In this time, I gave a long interview to a journalist, Andrei Guselnikov, I’ve known for a long time. I know that Andrei can always be counted on neither to flatter or flail on me, to be completely objective. I spoke about a lot of things in this interview, Russia, my relationship with Russia (where the truth is that most people actually don’t know me, and I have both supporters and detractors from those who do), Donbass, the declining interest in Donbass and what I’m trying to do about that, and RT.

The subject of the channel RT has long been a thorny one for me. What happened in 2014, after my 2nd deportation – they deceived me to get one final interview, then literally cast me out on the streets of Poland, knowing I’d lost almost everything having worked for them – has, of course stuck in my throat, and I’ve spoken out quite strongly against RT on occasion of not agreeing with them.

But, there’s always a time to put things to rest, and move on. I said my final piece on them to Andrei at URA, and from now, I’ll simply not mention them. I’ve said what I have to say on the matter, feel at ease with it all.

In Russia, there were of course the inevitable comments about my having ‘fled’, ‘not returning to Donbass’ etc. But, I always return to Donbass, and always will.

The past couple of weeks back have been as busy as ever. Here are the updates I’ve written on this site –

Updates from the DLPR (#5) International Visitors in the LPR

Updates from the DLPR (#5) International Visitors in the LPR

Of course, I keep up a stream of news on my Twitter account, recently, a lot about Saakashvili, of course, and there’s be an article on him to come soon, here.I also use my Twitter to give you exclusive, breaking news. The Guardian told you there was ‘mystery’ surrounding the prank call to Ukrainian president Poroshenko. I could tell you exclusively that the call was by Russian pranker Lexus, and had even filmed an exclusive interview with him in Ekaterinburg –

Of course, there’s also my video reportage, which I work to add English subtitles to as much as possible, or, as here, record in English, as Ukrainian shelling targeted a civilian car in the Lugansk area, an update on that here –

Or this video here, with English subtitles, as Lugansk marked the ‘Day of People’s Unity’ –

That’s just a couple of examples, and there’s a lot more English-language reporting coming up soon. Here in Donbass, I film reportage, and also work on longer, documentary film projects. Before next summer, I’m hugely excited about showing you my new Crimea film, where we took a British holidaymaker on holiday to Crimea. It was good to see a write-up of that in The Courier here. 

Of course, all of this is only possible because of your support, so a massive thanks again to all of you who took part in my crowdfunder, your continued support, sharing of my work – especially on the Facebook I’m banned from – it means a lot, and it makes a meaningful contribution in getting the truth out!

A Patrick Lancaster Brief, and Crowdfunding SOS

Just a few words, I’d like to draw attention to the amazing work of Patrick Lancaster, by far the western journalist to have clocked up the most hours reporting from Donbass – his being here almost continuously since March of 2014. Patrick Lancaster is, as myself, fully independent, supported only by crowdfunding, his latest appeal has little time to go, and is a bit short of target – so here’s a video about Patrick’s work, and a bit of an SOS –

His appeal here – https://www.indiegogo.com/projects/2-months-journalism-in-dpr-covering-ukraine-war-russia/x/12236308#/

Also, Patrick does amazing, truly vital humanitarian work in Donbass as well – full details of that here –

And details of how to be involved in that here – 

Please help us help Donbass, Donate via the Paypal link below or
manually via Paypal to address helpvictimsukrainewar@gmail.com or to –

Sberbank Russia Card number 4276 8801 9017 1656