Neo-Nazi Ukrainian Politician Calls for NATO Bases in Donbass

Andriy Parubiy1Ahead of Ukraine president Poroshenko’s visit to Washington, in which security issues will be discussed, senior Ukrainian politician, chairman of the Ukrainian parliament, Andriy Parubiy (pictured) has written on Twitter, calling for NATO bases there ‘once Ukraine regain control’ of the DPR and LPR, in the republics, as a ‘guarantee for the safety of Ukrainian citizens’.

It’s the most overt statement of intention made yet, on an official level, of how far Ukraine wants to go with NATO.

Andriy Parubiy, by the way, is the co-founder of the Ukrainian neo-Nazi Svoboda party, as I have written here –

Just a Typical Ukrainian Soldier…

In the western media, we often ready about ‘brave’ Ukrainian soldiers, ‘defending their land from Russian invasion‘ etc etc. Yet, I know another side – due to my status as a ‘hate figure’ for some in Ukraine, because of their media’s campaign against me due to my work not matching their own version of events – Ukrainian soldiers not infrequently contact me, often through the ‘Russian Facebook’, Vkontakte.

This happened again just a few days ago, when a man called Ivan Oguta sent me some messages, asking for my phone number to ‘ball me out’ – 

Screenshot (1720)Ivan is a 23-year-old man,  his Vkontakte profile gives his hometown as Brest, as in Belarus, but it’s not definite he’s from there, and in any case he’s clearly serving in the Ukrainian army –

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Text in Ukrainian here, about a soldier’s life – 

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‘One country, one Ukraine’ – written here – 

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Lots of standard-style soldier snaps: 

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And then…

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Ivan clearly likes the ladies:

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And his friends:

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And his friends seem to share his own political views!

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And just in case there were any, any doubt of his affiliations, Ivan has posted these:

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Don’t just take my word for it by the way, click here to see for yourself.  And this is far, far from the first time I’ve written about neo-Nazism in the Ukrainain army, Ivan is far from an exception. And yet, the west just keeps on supporting Ukraine…

Euro 2012, Svoboda, Bandera, The Rise of Fascism in Ukraine, When I quit Kiev

Graham Phillips

Euro2012It seems a bit hard to believe now, for any number of reasons, but 4 years ago, I was living in Kiev, Ukraine, eagerly awaiting Euro 2012. I had all my tickets booked up, had been photographing the Euro 2012 countdown sign as the days ticked down –Euro2012 1Euro2012 2

And more, I was working at a magazine called What’s On, having written many Ukrainearticles, in the face of an onslaught of criticism of Ukraine, defending the country (pictured), and its readiness to host the tournament. I’d love to show you a link to these articles, but the website for What’s On has been removed, now taken up by another company even. I rather think it was removed because the owner, and publisher, went on to become fervent fans of Euromaidan, avid ‘pro-Ukrainers’. Interesting, because I remember them at the time laying into Ukraine, saying, writing how Euro 2012 was set to be a disaster.

Fast forward to 2016, and I’ve now not been in Ukraine for over 2 years, having been banned for 3 years in 2014, the Ukraine government not liking the fact that my work differed from the designated Kiev line. Needless to say, I got no support in the western press at this time, but as Ukraine couldn’t eventually resist turning on western, generally pro-Kiev journalists just because they’d been to Donbass, it’s now reaching the western world, with the New York Times declaring last week – Ukraine Declares War on Journalism.

Back to Euro 2012, that tournament saw my first trip to Donetsk, and I was struck Euro2012 Donetskat how different it was to Kiev. Remember the crowd in the stadium chanting ‘Russia, Russia‘, even though Russia weren’t even playing. Remember the England fans who’d been given print-outs with Ukrainian phrases by the FA, being interrupted before they’d even finished ‘hello’ with ‘we speak Russian here’. But I also remember the residents of Donetsk sporting Ukrainian colours in the pub watching as the nation took on Sweden, triumphing thanks to swansonging Andrei Shevchenko’s two headed goals. Recall Donchans (the name for residents of Donetsk) telling me ‘we are Russian people, but we like Ukraine’. I wrote an article at the time, that Donetsk was a Russian city, but one which got on well with Ukraine. Some videos here btw.

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And what happened? In 2013, Euromaidan broke out, in 2014 war broke out after Euromaidan installed an unelected, undemocratic government with a virulent anti-Russian agenda, powered by the far-right. Activists responded by taking administrative buildings in Donbass. Ukraine responded not by attempting to negotiate, but by sending the army in, real war broke out at Donetsk airport on May 26th 2014, and Ukrainian shelling has killed countless thousands in Donbass since then.

The whole identity of Ukraine has changed – from a country most associated with, well, perhaps beautiful women (at least the football fans there did), Nadia Savchenko and Andriy Parubiyfriendliness, Everything is Illuminated quirkiness … to one the world would connect with seemingly never-ending violent conflict, political turmoil, far-right radicals, and a country which has chosen to define itself through the prism of extremist figures, the freed, clearly unhinged Nadia Savchenko (since release in a prisoner exchange after conviction for the murder of journalists, mostly walking around barefoot, shouting), a man, Andriy Parubiy, who founded Ukraine’s neo-Nazi party tours the world as an ambassador for the country, and, going through the dark pages of their history to find and hero-worship (officially too, Ukraine’s president Poroshenko has made repeated mention of him, praised him, unveiled statues of him, along with attempts to rewrite history by redefining Ukraine’s WWII Nazi collaborators), WWII collaborator Stepan Bandera. That has a significance for me, in many ways, as his supporters were there on my first trip to Ukraine, in 2009, and he played a key role in my decision to leave Kiev…

At the very start of the year, 2016, on 1st January, mass marches took place across Ukraine to mark the birthday of Ukrainian WWII Nazi collaborator, Stepan Bandera. Here, Kiev –

These demonstrations grow by the year, both in number, and in location – witness the large march in Odessa, yet when I lived there 2 and a bit years ago there was nothing at all to mark the leader of Ukraine’s infamous OUN –

So where have all these Bandera fans come from? I even remember people in the west of Ukraine, the nationalist heartland, being ambivalent about the man who has come to the fore since Euromaidan put him there, making him a centrifugal Bandera 15symbol of that violent coup (pictured on Maidan, right), and a Ukraine since then, which has chosen to whitewash Bandera’s well-documented Nazi collaboration, and focus on his Ukrainian nationalism, desire for a Ukrainian state. That this led to his leading brutal, bloodthirsty pogroms in Lviv during WWII is another element of this figure that Ukrainians are willing to overlook in order to embrace a ‘nationalist hero’.

It’s deeply disturbing that it’s come to this, long ago came to this, Ukraine so nationalised that radical nationalistic credentials outweigh any litany of atrocities. And Bandera himself is a symbol, and symptomatic, of a wider, socially accepted spread of radicalism, and the Fullscreen capture 05012016 173649.bmpfar-right, in Ukraine, with the small northern city of Konotop earlier in the year electing an openly neo-Nazi mayor, who drives around with car number plates referencing Hiter.

I never actually thought it would come to this, but I well remember the rise of fascism, and the far-right in Ukraine. I watched it myself, living continuously in Kiev as I did between 2011 and the start of 2013. I was out of Kiev for a couple of days, after an overall successful Euro 2012 there ended, and trouble immediately flared up, with Ukrainian neo-Nazi party Svoboda staging a violent protest to the new law giving the Russian language legal status in Ukraine

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I’d been aware of Svoboda since October 2009, and my first visit to Ukraine, to watch an England football match, as they staged a, then, fairly peaceful demonstration in Kiev, with the Communist Party at the other end of the street –


At that time, Svoboda were still a minor party, having taken a mere 0.76% of vote in the 2007 election. But the wave which would see them take over 10% in the 2012 elections was building in 2009, with a massive swing to them having seen the party which began life as the Social National party, and took much of its founding principles and ideology from Nazism, win the local election in western Ternopil, in March 2009.

The party had stirred up support by tapping into anti-Russian sentiment always there, but mostly latent in Ukraine’s west. Seizing on then Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych as a Russian vassal, the party went back to Ukraine’s past, venerating figures not only such as Bandera, Roman Shukhevych, Oleksa Hirnyk (see below) positioning Svoboda partythemselves as ‘defenders’ of Ukrainianism, against eternal ‘oppressors’, ‘aggressors’, Russia and all connected with Russia. It was an effective method, one which would then be ferociously concentrated when an opportunity arose, such as 2012’s Russian language law flare-up.

This came immediately after a Euro 2012 which had appeared to unite the country, with its eternal east-west divide, into the putting on of a successful tournament, and the mood pre that mostly one of positivity, inclusivity. But, after Euro 2012 would come Svoboda’s opportunity to divide, attempt to conquer. There was a nationwide lull in the aftermath of Euro 2012. I remember it myself, all the preparation, build-up, that magical month, now over.

And it was unclear what next for Ukraine. Euro 2012 logos still everywhere, but that now in the past with Ukraine’s prospects for the future looking rather gloomy – debt, devaluation, unemployment. I wrote an article for Pravda in November 2012, entitled ‘Ukraine’s Post-Euro Blues‘.

That came after Ukraine’s October 2012 election, which had taken Svoboda to over 10% of the vote, as they channelled nationwide discontent, presenting their ultra-national, extremist politics as the answer to a depressed country.

Ukraine election 2012 2After that October election, which returned the (generally pro-Russian) Party of Regions with over 30%, some attempt to stir up protests about the legitimacy of the result, uniting opposition parties UDAR, Batkivschina and Svoboda – something which would happen once again in the next year at Euromaidan.

In reality, those October, early November protests were fairly half-hearted. Svoboda were happy to have got into parliament, their fairly small numbers, around 40 of 450, didn’t marginalise them in any way, as they set off a daily chain of discord, disputes, and fights in Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada.

I was along in 2012 to document the October post-election protests in Kiev, some even referred to them as the new Orange Revolution, but without any real momentum, they never really got off the ground – 

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Just a couple of months later, Svoboda were already entrenched in Ukraine’s parliament, causing daily chaos, buoyed up, as the confident party filled a downtown Kiev auditorium for their 26th Congress, on December 8th. The event was presided over by Svoboda leader, then 44-year-old Oleg Tyagnibok, who with his fiery brand of nationalist, Svoboda2extreme right-wing politics The Kyiv Post had reported in 2008 him as being “seen by many as Ukraine’s Joerg Haider”. Some have gone even further, with Oleg Voloshyn, then Ukrainian Foreign Ministry spokesman, alluding to similarities between Tyagnibok and Hitler.

Svoboda8Tyahnybok’s own ultra-national views stretch back generations, his great-grandfather the brother of Lonhyn Tsehelsky, a politician in the West Ukrainian People’s Republic, a short-lived entity which existed between 1918 and 1919, in land now both Western Ukraine and Poland. Tyagnibok has spoken many times about the injustices he believes were inflicted on the Ukrainians by the Polish, during this time and others, and further even claimed to remember Russian KGB raids carried out on his home, and a grandfather sent to Siberia for refusing to convert to the Russian Orthodox religion, often speaking of how these formative experiences shaped his political ideology.

After school, Tyagnibok enrolled at the Lviv Medical Institute, doing a spell of national service in the army before graduating (he is a qualified urogenital Tyagnibok youngsurgeon) in 1993. As a 22-year-old in 1991, Tyagnibok had joined the newly-formed Svoboda (along with Andriy Parubiy), or Social-National Party of Ukraine as it was then known, going on to serve as a member of the Lviv Regional Council from 1994 until 1998. In ’98, the fast-rising politician was elected to the Ukrainian parliament, becoming a member of right-wing People’s Movement of Ukraine, which joined Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine Bloc as the Orange Revolution gained momentum. Expelled by Yushchenko in July of 2004 for anti-Semitic comments made in a speech to activists, a period in the political wilderness followed, with Tyagnibok standing for the post of Mayor of Kiev in 2008, only to receive 1.37% of the vote. Tyagnibok was also a candidate in Ukraine’s 2010 presidential election, but polling 1.43%, once more fared poorly.

In 2012, though, Tyagnibok was back on the big stage, with October’s recent electoral success having seen them break out of their traditional western Ukraine supporter base, becoming the second most popular party in the capital Kiev, Viktor Yushchenkobehind then imprisoned former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko’s Batkivshchnya (Fatherland). Svoboda’s success comes in a Ukrainian politics which has always dealt a brutal hand to those the country longer favours – footballing hero Andriy Shevchenko’s Ukraina Vpered (Ukraine Forward) party limped to 1.58% of the vote, while former president Viktor Yushchenko’s (pictured) Nasha Ukraina (Our Ukraine) ended with 1.11%, perhaps comparable to the latter day, post-Euromaidan collapse in popularity of a man described in some circles as the ‘new Yushchenko’, Arseniy Yatsenyuk.

Oleksa HirnykTyagnibok had long sought to align himself with ultra-nationalist Ukrainian figures, in 2012 pictured laying a floral tribute at Oleksa Hirnyk’s (pictured) grave. Hirnyk, a hard-line Ukrainian dissident who, on the 21st January 1978 – 60th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence – immolated himself at the grave of Ukraine’s national poet Taras Shevchenko to protest against what he viewed as the Russification of Ukraine. Hirnyk, typical of the radical figure Svoboda seek to align themselves with.

Language was a Svoboda strapline policy; as for their other policies there is some uncertainty. The party originally mandated for the legalisation of firearms in Ukraine, while declaring ‘Ukrainophobia’ would be a crime, with abortions a Fullscreen capture 02062016 232639.bmpcriminal offence and Ukrainian citizenship tightly confined. Also proposed was nuclear armament, indication of ethnic origin in passports (as was Soviet practice), dismissal of state employees active in the ‘Soviet apparatus’ before 1991, and calling for Russia to apologise for its ‘communist crimes’.

Some of the more extreme policies, including firearm legislation and a ban on abortions, had been watered down by the populist October 2012 election manifesto, which made keynote points (which would become straplines of Euromaidan) of Yanukovych’s impeachment and the removal of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet from Crimea. Ethnic origin in passports remained, and Tyagnibok still wants to re-establish Ukraine as a nuclear power, believing this would stop the “Russian virtual war on Ukraine”. Criminalisation of ‘Ukrainophobia’, restrictive citizenship, policy against ‘Soviet apparatus’ and a call for Russian apology remained.

Svoboda9At the 2012 Svoboda Congress, I recall Tyagnibok presiding over proceedings, regularly smiling at the remarks of his colleagues, while occasionally raising the tempo and interjecting bouts of finger-jabbing rhetoric. Welcoming party activists up for special acknowledgement, their delight at meeting the leader was palpable. Tyahnybok too seemed to be enjoying the opportunity, bestowing firm handshakes on his most committed members.

Yet, the dark side to Svoboda was never far. In the corridor of Kiev Cinema House, the venue of the Congress which saw Tyagnibok re-elected party Svoboda1chairman as a formality (a position he has held since 2004), vendors could be seen selling Nazi symbols. The swastika badges being sold were small, yet clearly displayed by the concessions, as both Svoboda grassroots and elected members browsed the stalls. How deep the Svoboda Nazi connection ran caused some debate at the time, with the party boasting a record of 48% of its voters holding a certificate of higher education, setting the tone for the middle-classes of Ukraine lending their support to ultra-national Ukrainian causes.

International human rights movement World Without Nazism at the time expressed its anxiety at the rise of Svoboda. A statement on the group’s website read: “As a result of the parliamentary elections to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, which were held on October 28, 2012, for the first time in the whole of post-Soviet history, a neo-Nazi party, Svoboda, got into parliament. This party adheres to pure xenophobia, first of all anti-Russian and anti-Semitic moods.”

Member of Svoboda’s Lviv City Council of the time Yuriy Mykhalchyshyn (pictured) maintained, a blog (quietely shelved as Svoboda’s popularity rose) called nachtigal88, the nachtigall a reference Yuriy Mykhalchyshynto the Nazi battalion formed in Ukraine, with the 88 seeming to represent a binary version of “Heil Hitler”. On the blog, Mykhalchyshyn translated a long text of Nazi propaganda chief Josef Goebbels (described as ‘a pioneer in the field of public relations, the greatest theoretician and practitioner of agitation and propaganda work in the twentieth century’), entitled Little ABC of National Socialists. In doing so, Mykhalchyshyn would appear to be drawing parallels with the situation in Germany in the 1930s, according to Goebbels, and the current Ukrainian climate. Goebbels’ text, which espouses virulent anti-Semitism and single-nation society sentiment, resonates with Mykhalchyshyn’s much-reported statement: “We are against diversity. Ukraine is for Ukrainians.”

Another extreme member of Tyagnibok’s inner circle was, and is Iryna Farion, whom he greeted warmly to the stage at the Congress that day, for her to deliver a speech which placed great emphasis on Svoboda’s fighting ‘evil’ and the Irina Farion‘snakes’ currently occupying parliament. Farion was then a contentious figure, having caused controversy with remarks that seemed extreme at the time in Ukraine, but pale in comparison to what she’s later said – that, speaking Russian should be a criminal offence, appearing at a kindergarten and instructing the children not to use the Russian ‘friendly version’ of names (Maria becomes Masha etc). Lviv native Farion, a Svoboda member since 2005, has gone on to make statements which make what was said back at that time look moderate in comparison, calling for pro-Russian activists in Kharkov to be shot, in April of 2014, stating that all Russians should have been Irina Farion1driven from Ukraine back in 1654, then after the Odessa massacre of May 2nd 2014, in which pro-Ukrainian activists burned alive pro-Russia activists, she wrote on her Facebook page “Bravo, Odessa. (…) Let the demons burn in hell.”

However there have been those who’ve stated that Farion’s ultra-nationalist position may not be entirely genuine, with consistent reports that she was a member of the Communist Party. She remains a senior Svoboda member, despite no longer being an elected representative, and has been a vocal campaigner for escalation of the war in Donbass, imploring other nations to aid Ukraine’s bloody military campaign in what she has frequently referred to as the ‘Third World War’. 

Svoboda’s Andriy Illienko (pictured), then 25, was at that time the youngest deputy in the Verkhovna Rada, having often written and spoken of the need for a “social and national revolution in Ukraine”, the “dismantling of the liberal regime Andriy Illienko Ukraineof antinational occupation”. Illienko would seem to have got his wish with Euromaidan. The aftermath of that violent overthrow, their involvement in which saw Svoboda give themselves carte blanche to go round destroying monuments (for some reason, focusing on Lenin, the man who had actually created the modern-day Ukraine) and here, in March of 2014, beating, Illienko and Igor Miroshnichenko – of whom more below – forcing director of Ukraine’s First National TV channel Alexander Panteleymonov to resign, because his channel had shown the ceremony of Crimea’s incorporation into the Russian Federation –

Illienko, another Svoboda exponent of an ‘ethnically pure’ Ukrainian nation, and stridently anti-immigration. 2016 of course, saw Ukraine chose Crimean Tatar Jamala to represent them in Eurovision, who won with a politically-charged song Gaitanawhich in any case breached Eurovision rules. Ukraine held her up as a symbol of the country, yet in 2012, Svoboda were strong critics of mixed-race Gaitana (pictured) representing the country, with then senior member Yuriy Syrotiuk stating the singer “is not an organic representative of Ukrainian culture.” Syrotiuk was also involved in an altercation at the gay rights march in Kiev, on the same day as Svoboda’s Congress in 2012, which saw five Svoboda members take active steps to break up proceedings, apparently assaulting peaceful attendees. In the official press release, Svoboda depicted their five arrested members as heroes, going so far as to link homosexuality with anti-Ukrainianism, and describing the march participants variously as ‘deviants’ and ‘perverts’. Syrotiuk has subsequently, among other things, been arrested and jailed after taking part in clashes outside Ukraine’s parliament in August of 2015

Then there was senior Svoboda member Igor Miroshnichenko, who in December of 2012 called actress Mila Kunis a ‘dirty jewess‘, has gone on to any number of
Igor Miroshnichenkoultra-national actions including the above beating up of a tv chief, the toppling of any number of Lenin statues (despite many Svoboda members fighting in Donbass, Miroshnichenko never has, but has shown up at the destruction of statues in military fatigues), calling for a Ukrainian footballer to be deported when he refused to implicitly support Ukraine’s military in a football match, and more.

He was at the 2012 Congress (before going off to beat up the homosexual marchers), along with future Ukrainian deputy Prime Minister Oleksandr Sych, a long-term vocal opponent of abortion, believing rape to be largely the woman’s fault. Extreme nationalist, Ukrainian former adminal Igor Tenyukh, dismissed by president Yanukovych in 2010, was at the Congress, he went on to be an active supporter of the Euromaidan revolution, then a short-lived defence minister of Ukraine even.
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Igor Tenyukh

As for Tyagnibok himself, back in 2005 he co-signed a letter to then President Yushchenko calling for a parliamentary investigation into the “criminal activities of organized Oleg TyagnibokJewry in Ukraine,” this after his 2004 remarks which saw Tyagnibok dismissed from the Our Ukraine Bloc; those referred to the “Moscow-Jewish mafia” he contended were running Ukraine.

In 2011, at Tyagnibok’s behest, Svoboda instigated the change in name of a street formerly known as Peace Street, in the village of Razliv near Lviv, to Nachtigall Street, honouring the Ukrainian group implicated in the mass massacre of Jews during World War Two. That action moved Ukrainian Prime Minister Nikola Azarov to say: “I was shocked. It’s hard to imagine such things taking place in our country… It’s a shame for our country.” And in October of 2012, German historian Grzegorz Rossolinski-Liebe, who has described Stepan Bandera as a “fascist, anti-Semitic and radical nationalist”, was forced to cancel his Bandera lectures around Ukraine after receiving threats from Svoboda members.

The Svoboda Congress of 2012 was a deeply unsettling experience, and I left with a profound sense of unease. The country had seemed to drift for some time after Euro 2012, searching for something to look to. In the absence of that, far-right, ultra-nationalist politics had taken root, fomented. I’d felt myself losing my feeling for Kiev in the final months of 2012 as it changed from the city I’d chosen to live, my first time living in a foreign country, in 2011. 2013 began, literally began, on January 1st, with a chaotic Svoboda-driven march, attended by senior Svoboda figures, of pumped up radicals through Kiev to mark Stepan Bandera’s birthday sending a chill coursing through me as I watched a large crowd, the largest yet in Kiev, emboldened, signalling their intent for a future Ukraine determined by their far-right wing agenda.            BanderaBandera1Bandera7Bandera8Bandera9Bandera11Bandera12Bandera16Bandera14

It was an ominous sign, and there seemed to be something in the air in Kiev. It was something I wanted no part of, packing bags and heading back to England in February. There, I worked on a book project, about the murder of a British man, Barry Pring, in Ukraine. And deliberated about the next move. I wanted to go Whats On Odessaabroad to work again, it felt too soon to call a halt to that and come back to living in the UK, but wasn’t sure where, taking long walks, weighing up where next with options from Belgrade to Riga, the east having long been interesting for me.

I wasn’t sure if I’d lost my feeling for Kiev, where I’d happily lived for 2 years, or Ukraine entirely. Ultimately, it came down to the love of Odessa. I’d visited there in 2012 for the first time, while working for magazine What’s On, and had adored the city from first sight.

So it was, I settled on Odessa, and headed there in what was a wonderful summer of 2013, with events even seeming to have calmed down somewhat in Kiev, the notable event arguably the Bloodhound Gang’s variously urinating, posterior wiping, with Ukrainian, and Russian, flags. But, as it turned out, Svoboda, and the various other radical elements empowered by the climate which had made Svoboda’s success possible, waiting for the opportunity which presented itself Poroshenkowhen president Viktor Yanukovych rejected the signing of an association agreement with the EU.

Svoboda, and other far-right elements, notably the Pravy Sektor, went on to play defining roles in a Euromaidan which quickly turned ugly, not to mention confused – Tymoshenko released from prison only to be roundly rejected as president, an ‘anti-oligarch’ revolution which would a couple of months later install one of Ukraine’s richest men, Petro Poroshenko (pictured), as president, a revolution for ‘EU values’ which did away with not only a president, but an entire elected government, further empowering an element like Svoboda to run amok in Ukraine – a wave of destruction, beatings, raids all the result of Euromaidan

Well, Svoboda played a key role in Euromaidan, then a key role, with five of their members in the coup Euromaidan government. Constant infighting saw that government fall into disaster, and Svoboda in some disgrace, with their members performing particularly poorly, blamed for frequent disruptiveness (the common sight of Svobada members involved in a parliamentary fracas, April 2014, Svoboda Ukraine Parliamentpictured).

Tyagnibok himself took just over 1% in the May presidential elections, then Svoboda’s popularity at the ballot box took a hit at the Ukrainian parliamentary elections of October 2014, with the party by now universally known as neo-Nazi, and the country’s electorate seeming to want to make it easier for a media preternaturally sympathetic to Ukraine since Euromaidan, under pressure to cover the prominence of Svoboda, that Ukraine was not home to neo-Nazism. Their vote plunged to under 5%, meaning the media could make great play of ‘support for neo-Nazism in Ukraine being under 5%‘, conveniently ignoring the fact that 7.5% had voted for the even more extreme, yet less widely known or associated with neo-Nazism, Radical Party, or that both majority parties – Petro Poroshenko Bloc, and People’s Front – had incorporated Svoboda policies to appease a post-Euromaidan electorate demanding ultra-nationalism.

Yet, the climate created by post-Euromaidan Ukraine gave radicalism precedence over parliamentary representation. Svoboda’s website has regularly trumpeted Svoboda blockadetheir involvement in, leading of, various radical acts across the country, from March 1st of this year – Activists of “Svoboda” from Konotop block russian trucks on the road segment “Kyiv – Moscow” near Baturyn , the party also played a key role in forcing out prosecutor Shokin, and Prime Minister Yatsenyuk.

Any solidarity of the time of Euromaidan now just a memory, Svobada’s aggressive strategy of constantly slamming other parties saw them clamber over Oleg Tyagnibokopponents to make sweeping gains in October 2015’s local elections –  obtaining some 10 percent of the vote in Kiev, taking second place in the western city of Lviv, placing over 1800 representatives around the country. Now, post Yatsenyuk, with the marginalising of his People’s Front party, folding of Klitchko’s UDAR party into President Poroshenko’s Bloc, release of Nadia Savchenko representing a formerly moribund now once again buoyant Batkivshina, but one with a leadership crisis brewing as Savchenko squares up with Tymoshenko, Svoboda represent a sort of stability in the ongoing, seemingly neverending Ukrainian political turmoil.

But the disparate ideologies which form this new Ukraine, never mesh, always result in mess. The purported ultra-nationalism of Poroshenko’s muddied by his Saakashvilimass importing, to so far it must be said rather catastrophic results, of foreigners into positions of power in Ukraine – Georgian (he’s actually wanted as a criminal in his native country) Mikheil Saakashvili (pictured) as mayor of Odessa, Russian Maria Gaidar his assistant (ending in disaster when she backtracked on her initial statements that she’d take Ukrainian citizenship, she was dismissed while pregnant), US-born Natalie Jaresko as finance minister, Lithuania’s Aivaras Abromavicius economy minister and Aleksandre Kvitashvili – from Georgia – health minister (all granted Ukrainian citizenship so they could take up post).

Svoboda’s position on this? The same as it ever was, that ‘bringing in foreigners is not the answer’. Unlike the other parties, shape-shifting around them, Svoboda at Dmitry Yaroshleast never change, never apologise for their racist, xenophobic policies. This has brought them to a position where they’ve become a constant, an accepted pillar even, in Ukrainian politics. While the Pravy Sektor war in Donbass, and with each other (former leader Dmitry Yarosh pictured here), attention seekers such as Savchenko and Oleg Lyashko seek incessant publicity, and Poroshenko tries to appear as moderate as possible to the wider world while playing the ultra-national card for the home crowd, Svoboda are what they are.

When a far-right, neo-Nazi party represent the most stable thing in the political landscape … that’s Ukraine as it is now. 4 years on from Euro 2012, it’s a different world, and country radically changed, forever changed by radicals. As I watch Ukraine 2012Euro 2016, for sure thoughts will occasionally drift back to Euro 2012 (pictured), when Ukraine was a lovely, warm, friendly country. But the stream of thought doesn’t need to continue for long, before remembering why I left Kiev. Little did I know at the time though, the rise of the far-right wouldn’t stop there, it fanned, spread, destroyed the Ukraine it purported to revere above all else.

And what next, where will I be writing in 4 years time? What Ukraine will be then? Let’s see, but the ‘genie’ of extremism came out the bottle in Ukraine, and the bottle was smashed. And those ‘pro-Ukrainians’ who think the country can be returned to say it’s happy period of 2012, but under the current regime? As blind to reality as they’ve chosen to be blind to the rise of the far-right in Ukraine to the extent it came to define Ukraine. In 2016 Ukraine, far-right is the new centre.

The UK Gets Set to Welcome Ukrainian Neo-Nazi Andriy Parubiy

Graham Phillips

Back in 2009, far-right Dutch politician Geert Wilders was initially banned from entering the UK, due to his views. That ban was rescinded on appeal, Wilders was admitted. But the principle, supposedly, that the UK doesn’t allow known, high Andriy Parubiy1profile exponents of far-right, ultra-national, politics which could be termed ‘fascist’ or ‘neo-Nazi’ to cross its borders.

Fast forward 6 years, and a man who makes Wilders look like a moderate is not only to be let into the UK, but warmly welcomed as a VIP guest by the UK government, coming for a series of meetings with government officials, think tanks and the Ukrainian community.

So, who exactly are they meeting? Well, Andriy Parubiy, 44, of the Lviv area of Fullscreen capture 20102015 005820.bmpUkraine, formed the Ukrainian National Socialist Party, its name drawn from Nazism, its tenents, its symbols drawn from Nazism. On October 23rd, he’s guest of honour at the prestigious Royal United Services Institute, that being the Professional Forum in the UK for those concerned with National and International Defence and Security. The talk’s to take place at Whitehall, just a couple of hundred metres away from 10 Downing Street itself.

So who really is the man feted as First Deputy Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada (Supreme Council of Ukraine) and former Head of the National Security and Defense Council. Only holding the latter position for just over 5 months is actually the least of his problems. Channel 4 described him as

“Parubiy was the founder of the Social National Party of Ukraine, a fascist party styled on Hitler’s Nazis, with membership restricted to ethnic Ukrainians. The Social National Party would go on to become Svoboda, the far-right nationalist Andriy Parubiyparty.” 

Quite a difference to his glowing write-up on the RUSI site (a young Parubiy pictured at a meeting, right) –

Andriy Parubiy is First Deputy Speaker, Parliament of Ukraine. He is a former Member of Parliament (VIII convocation), Narodnyy Front faction and Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine (2014) and during 2013-2014 was Head of the Maidan Self-Defense Forces. Between 2012-2014 he was a Member of Parliament (VII convocation), Batkivshchyna faction and a Member of the Science and Education Committee of the Verkhovna Rada. From 2007-2012, he was Member of Parliament (VI convocation), Nasha Ukraina faction and a Member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Verkhovna Rada. He was educated within the Faculty of History at Lviv National University (1994).

And even the Channel 4 description only skims the surface. Parubiy himself has never even tried to deny the lineage of his 1991-formed Social National Party of Ukraine as deriving predominantly from Nazi ideology. Their symbol, the Wolfsangel (pictured), now most known for its association with radical Ukrainian Wolfsangelneo-Nazi Azov battalion,  is described, along with Parubiy’s SNPU itself in (Andreas Umland and Anton Shekhovstov, Ultra right Party Politics in Post-Soviet Ukraine and the Puzzle of the Electoral Marginalism of Ukrainian Ultranationalists in 1994–2009) –

“… of these various Ukrainian nationalist parties the SNPU was the least inclined to conceal its neo fascist affiliations. Its official symbol was the somewhat modified Wolf’s Hook (Wolfsangel),used as a symbol by the German SS division Das Reich and the DutchSS division Landstorm Nederland during World War II and by a numberof European neofascist organizations after 1945. As seen by the SNPU leadership, the Wolf’s Hook became the “idea of the nation.”

Ukraine NazisMoreover,the official name of the party’s ideology, “social nationalism,” clearly referred back to “national socialism”—the offcial name of the ideology of the National-Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) and of the Hitlerite regime. The SNPU’s political platform distinguished itself by its openly revolutionary ultranationalism, its demands for the violent takeover of power in the country, and its willingness to blame Russia for all of Ukraine’s ills. Moreover, the SNPU was the first relatively large party to recruit Nazi skinheads and football hooligans.” 

Andriy Parubiy2Between 1998-2004 Parubiy was the head of paramilitary youth wing of Social-Nationalist Party ‘Patriot of Ukraine‘, which existed until December 2014 when it merged with the similarly far-right, neo Nazi Right Sector (Pravy Sector), who would play such a key role in Euromaidan. He was engaged with and co-ordinating their various violent actions, which ranged from simple football violence to attacks on anything associated with Russia – Parubiy himself was put on trial for alleged assault on communist demonstrators in Lviv on 7 November 1997. Parubiy himself has an extensive history of violence, Parubiy’s book ‘A View from the Right‘, was published in Lviv in 1999, a quote from that here –

“Young men with loose long dirty hair and worn out jeans propagate dissoluteness and pacifism – that’s the result of expansion into Ukraine of American way of life and liberal ideology. Russian-speaking criminal world, devoid of spirituality, without national roots – is the legacy of communist rule in Ukraine.” Parubiy ‘The view from the right ‘ (p. 15)

SvobodaParubiy left the SNPU in 2004, by then the party had rebranded itself as Svoboda, the Nazi lineage remaining, and ever more prevalent as they came to increasing prominence – renaming a street in the Lviv area from ‘Peace Street’ to ‘Nachtigall Street’, honouring the Ukrainian battalion who fought alongside the Nazis, with senior member Yuriy Mykhalchyshyn translating the texts of, and open in his reverence of Joseph Goebbels. Numerous anti-Semitic statements, violent attacks on anything connected with Russia, open racism, attacks on homosexuals … it goes on.

Andriy Paribuy Maidan DefenceParubiy has maintained close ties with his former parties, openly allying with them as he became commander of the Euromaidan ‘Defence’, in the violent overthrow of the Ukrainian government of 2014 (pictured).

He was in charge of the various paramilitary units during this, mobilising them throughout the 3 months of bloody conflict which resulted in the forcing out of Ukraine’s president, and government on February 22nd. There have been allegations he was responsible in instigating the notorious sniper fire of February 20th, where Euromaidan organisers fired on their own activists to escalate the situation.

There is also a connection between Parubiy, and the Odessa massacre of May Odessa_Mykola_Parubiy2nd, 2014. He was seen, on April 29, 2014 (right), delivering military grade bullet proof vests to the Euromaidan activists who would play an integral part in the burning of the Trade Union House base of pro-Russian activists, just days later, with mass loss of life.

So, what is Parubiy’s aim in coming to the UK? Almost certainly aligned with that of his previous visits, to Canada and the UK, where he appealed with those countries to increase their military aid to Ukraine, to send lethal aid.

Unlike Wilders, the UK press have so far kept quiet about Parubiy, the RUSI are Parubiycertainly keeping quiet about his Nazi connections. Parubiy is set to take his place at 11am, on October 23rd, at RUSI, Whitehall, London, SW1A 2ET, to ‘discuss Ukraine’s experiences in countering separatist and Russian actions, with particular focus on assessing the role of hybrid warfare’.

It’s unclear if his audience, and the event is free, open to everyone, via online booking, will know that they are taking ‘expert advice’ from a man who formed a Ukrainian neo-Nazi party, let alone be able to ask him about that.

Mikael Skillt Interview – 15 Key Points

Mikael Skillt

Graham Phillips

Yesterday, continuing into today, the interactive Twitter interview with Swedish citizen, Mikael Skillt, senior member of Ukraine’s neo-Nazi Azov battalion, took place. Skillt’s prolific use of social media has made him effective spokesman for the Azov battalion, one of the battalions ever at the forefront of events in Donbass, giving him a high status as a representative of proceedings.

The basics about Skillt

Mikael Skillt AzovFull name: Kjell Mikael Skillt

Age: 38, 13th December 1976

From: Sundsvall, on Swedish coast

Employment: 7 years in Swedish army, speciality – sniper. Worked in construction industry as ‘project manager’.

Current: Officer, Senior member of Ukrainian Azov Battalion, reports himself in charge of ‘Operations of Swedish Volunteers’.

Location: Skillt spends a lot of time in Kiev, where he was during the interview. He is currently deployed by Mariupol.

Politics: Connections to Nazi Party of Sweden, National Democrats, neo-fascist National Youth, neo-Nazi Swedish Resistance Movement.

Record: Reported sentenced to two months in prison by Sundsvall District Court in 2009, for ‘vandalism, and assault with racist motives’. Again reported convicted in 2013 when he received 75 hours of community service in Solna District Court for rioting.

There was a huge response to the interview, here are the 15 Key Points – 

1. Skillt’s reason for fighting on the Ukrainian side, for the neo-Nazi Azov Battalion, is that he ‘hates imperialism‘. He adds that he is not fighting for any government, but ‘fights for Ukraine‘.

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2. There seems to be some issue, or differences, between Skillt and the far-right terrorist group also fighting for Ukraine, the Pravy Sektor. Skillt stops short of fully supporting them, and has apparently never met, or spoken, to leader Dmytro Yarosh ‘That will be between me and Yarosh, if we meet‘.

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3. Skillt does not seem interested in subjects in his own country, Sweden, in which, with his far-right views, you would perhaps expect him to have an interest in. He answers ‘Not my problem, I moved to Ukraine‘ in response to a question on the ‘islamification of Sweden‘.

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4. Skillt purports to believe that he is fighting against ‘Russians’, and reports himself as 5km away from Donetsk at one point. Yet, his statement that Russia is sending ‘drunks‘ casts some doubts as to whether he really believes it is the regular Russian army.

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5. Skillt thinks that Donetsk, Lugansk, and Crimea, will ‘return to Ukraine‘, does not think Ukraine itself should be in Europe. Unlike the official position, Skillt believes there should be an independence referendum in Ukraine.

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6. Skillt says he wouldn’t shoot me, but, in his capacity as an expert sniper, can shoot someone from 1400-1500 metres. He seems to derive pleasure from boasting about his ‘kill count’ – ‘Let’s say that I killed more soldiers then (sic) your whole family have fingers, toes and ears together.’ At one point he adds ‘my soul would give you life long nightmares‘. He seems to enjoy war, adding that his ‘soldier family‘ has been ‘waging war for 500 years‘.

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7. Skillt has abandoned his earlier plan, to go to Syria and fight for President al-Assad. As for Ukraine’s president Poroshenko, he declares that he would ‘prefer a more battle like president‘, but that Poroshenko ‘has his full loyalty‘.

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8. Skillt joined the neo-Nazi Azov battalion because they ‘had what he needed‘ – a ‘structure and armory’, and reports himself as senior in the operation. Despite numerous statements from Azov about ‘reporting to no one‘, and their links to oligarch Igor Kolomoisky, and ultra-nationalist Ukrainian politician Oleg Lyashko, Skillt states that Azov are in the National Guard, neo-Nazi Pravy Sektor founder Andrei Biletsky is the ‘supreme commander‘. Skillt would not be drawn on Azov’s oft-declared intention for ‘another Maidan’ in Kiev.

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9. It was Euromaidan which made Skillt want to get involved, and he reports himself as having only received 4000UAH, around $200, for his participation. He reports himself as having ‘lost 60,000 Euros’ fighting for Ukraine, thinks of himself as a ‘modern crusader’.

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10. Skillt expresses mixed feelings on Ukrainian WWII Nazi collaborator Stepan Bandera, but believes he ‘saved a lot of lives‘ (the first time I’ve heard this claim about Bandera).

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11. Despite fighting for a Ukraine going to enormous lengths to make people speak the Ukrainian language, rather than Russian, Skillt only speaks Russian.

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12.  Skillt expressed numerous, extreme anti-Russian sentiments throughout the interview, he would ‘color the Azov sea red with the blood of Russian soldiers if needed‘, yet declares he ‘likes Russians but hates what Russia has become under Putin‘. Skillt believes the recent Chernobyl forest fires were started ‘by Russia‘.

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13. Skillt does clearly not believe in ‘respect one’s enemy’, saying that Motorola and Givi, commanders of NAF forces, are ‘war criminals‘ ‘rabid dogs‘. whom he would kill with pleasure. He states that he has killed ‘over 100′ in Donbass‘. He says he has ‘no feelings when I work‘, and that when he works he ‘turns into a machine‘.

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14. Skillt is in a serious relationship with a Ukrainian woman, which seems to have heightened the lengths he is prepared to go to for his ’cause’. He goes back to his native Sweden ‘regularly‘, where he receives assistance, is prepared to take Ukrainian citizenship. As for his own mortality, Skillt seems to believe himself near invincible, on asking how he would like to be killed ‘it will never happen‘.

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15. Skillt admits that the Ukrainians shell civilian areas of Donbass, yet attempts to justify this by saying the ‘Russians‘ use them as ‘human shields‘.

Fullscreen capture 04052015 021959.bmp     Full transcript here.

Hová tűntek az ukrán neonácik?

Graham Phillips 

Mindenhol ott nyüzsögtek az ukrán neonácik. A Skynews riogatott:. Euro 2012: Neonácik fenyegetik az angol szurkolókat.

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The Mail úgy írta meg mintha szurkolókra vadásztak volna. –nácik leselkednek angol szurkolókra –

Fullscreen capture 28032015 175757.bmpFullscreen capture 28032015 190100.bmpMég a napilapok is foglalkoztak velük. A Telegraph írta: A hétfő esti BBC közvetítésen majmokként őrjöngtek, szokásos náci karlendítések, durva támadások ázsiai szurkolók ellen ukrajnában. Még Sol Campbell, egykori angol futballista is olyan sokkolónak találta a BBC közvetítését hogy féltette az angol szurkolókat nehogy ‘koporsóban jöjjenek haza‘ a 2012-es Európa-bajnokságról.

3 évvel később az egykor ukrajnai Donbassz területén folyó véres háborúban az ukrán fegyveres erők kötelékében visszatérnek a 2012-ben nyugati sajtót megfélemlítő többek közt a hírhedt Azov zászlóalj harcosai, akik nyíltan vállalják hovatartozásukat.

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Azov Nazi 3

Míg 2012-ben a nyugati sajtó neonácinak bélyegezte őket, most 2015-ben elnézőbbnek tűnik. A Daily Mail így ír róluk (Reuters forrásból)-Fontosabb részek kiemelve.

URZUF,Ukrajna Március 25.(Reuters)- A szélső jobboldali azov zászlóalj, jelképük egy fekete szvasztika citromsárga alapon, Mariupol Dél-Kelet Ukrajna tengerparti városát készülnek megvédeni az oroszbarát szeparatisták támadásától.

Az ultra-nacionalista milícia, aminek tagjai az 1000 főt is meghaladják, hírnevét a több mint egy éve tartó oroszbarát felkelők elleni harcokban szerezte a kormány oldalán, a békét megvetik.

De a kormány oldalán a nemzeti gárda kötelékében harcoló tábornok radikális nézetei és szimbólumok, amelyek régmúlt nácizmus használata óvatosságra intette a nyugatot és Oroszországot és ha a háború véget ér könnyen visszatérhet és kísértheti a nyugatpárti kormányzatot. 

Azov HitlerMíg 2012-ben a “sieg heil”-t ordító foci huligánok náci csőcselék voltak, most egy egész zászlóalj aminek szimbóluma egy náci jelkép, tagjai aligha hódolnak kevésbé a nácizmusnak (kép balra)nem csak “hasonlítanak” és “utánozzák” azt. Hát persze hogy igen, éppen hogy beleillenek a “vad harcos”, “védők” képébe az örök gonosz “oroszpárti szeparatisták” ellen. -jelenlegi nyugati média kedvenc “rossz fiúi”

Az Azov vágy a nácizmus magasztalására olyan határtalan, hogy képeket hamisítanak. Rákeresés után könnyen kiderül hogy miután horogkeresztet szerkesztettek a képre, büszkén mutogatták Olga Penya Azov tag közösségi lapján –


VitaGondoljunk csak bele ha ezek az ukrán neonácik csak olyan gonoszak mint a náci karlendítő foci szurkolók, hirtelen az oroszbarát szeparatistáknak igazuk lehet… A valóságban persze végtelenül rosszabbak, mi történik ha rászabadítják a neonácikat a harcmezőre, Oroszország elleni utálattal feltüzelve,abban a hitben hogy Donbasszban mindenki oroszbarát felkelő, nyugati média támogatásával ilyen dolgokra képesek. Vita Zaverukha, a neonáci Aidar zászlóalj tagja felkap egy aknavetőt és egy civil falura lő vele.

Nehezen találunk ilyen hírt a nyugati médiában. De Vita Zaverukhát már könnyebb megtalálni a francia Elle magazin címlapján “különleges harcos”-ként bemutatva egy olyan cikkben ami még akkor se lehetne ragyogóbb ha Vita anyukája írja.

Vita Zaverukha Elle

Pár kép a “különleges harcosról” –

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Természetesen a nyugati média elismeri a neonáci szálakat az ukrán erők között de hogy tehetik anélkül hogy “rossz fiúknak” állítják be őket? Egyszerű-beszélj velük, de csak azokat a dolgokat oszd meg amit jónak látsz.

Fullscreen capture 28032015 181600.bmpEgy USA-Today interjúban elismerte hogy náci és röhögve mondta hogy a bajtársai több mint fele szintén náci. Egy erős ukrán vezetést támogat mint Németország a második világháborúban, de ellenzi a zsidók lemészárlását. A kisebbséget el kell fogadni amíg békések és nincsenek kivételes igényeik, az oligarchák vagyonát pedig államosítani kellene, mondta. 

Andrij Diachenko, az Azov dandár szóvivője azt nyilatkozta hogy csak 10-20% náci van a tagok közt.”Tudom hogy Alex náci de ez az ő személyes világnézete, semmi köze a hivatalos Azov nézetekhez”. “Remek újonckiképző és taktikai illetve fegyverhasználati képesség oktató”, tette hozzá Diachenko.

Tehát a nyugati sajtó megválaszolja a saját kérdését, ami egyben az egyik legnagyobb a donbasszi háborúban. Mit teszel ha már nem helyénvaló neonácikat nevezni akiket eddig annak bélyegeztél meg? Próbáld meg másnak hívni őket, de ha muszáj, keress egy szimpatikus képet és csinálj belőlük kedves neonácikat!


Köszönjük fordítás Oliver Tóth!

Wohin sind alle Ukrainischen neo-Nazis Verschwunden?

Graham Phillips

Erinnern Sie Sich an die Neonazis von der Ukraine? Sie waren ueberall. SkyNews warnte – Euro 2012: Neonazistische Bedrohung fuer englische Fans

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The Mail stellte es so dar, als ob die englischen Fans sich direct in den Hinterhalt verfuegen – die Nazi-Rotten lauern die englischen Fans auf

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Sogar die soliden Medien blieben nicht davon beiseite. The Telegraph bemerkte: Fullscreen capture 28032015 190100.bmp«Der am Montagabend translierte BBC-Dokumentarfilm hat die weitverbreiteten bruellenden Rotten gezeigt, die ueblichen Nazis mit Hitlergruss sowie harten Angriffen auf die asiatischen Zuschauer waehrend des Spieles in der Ukraine». Auf Grund des schockierenden BBC-Filmes hat der ehemaliger Spieler der Fussballmannschaft von England Sol Campbell seine Sorge darum geaussert, dass die englischen Fans, die wagten zu Euro 2012 zu reisen, “koennten heim in den Saergen zu kehren“.

Drei Jahre spaeter gibt es in dem ehemaligen Teil der Ukraine, im Donbass, den Krieg, an dem seitens der Ukraine meherere Truppen teilnehmen, die unverschaemt aus den westukrainischen aeusserst rechten Gruppen zusammengestellt wurden. Das sind die selben Gruppen, die 2012 die westlichen Medien scharf angeprangert hatten. Hier ist das beruechtigte Asow-Bataillon, das oeffentlich seine Anhaenglichkeit an den Nazismus zeigt

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Azov Nazi 3Trotzdem haben die westlichen Medien, die 2012 so rasch den Neonazismus verurteilten, 2015 ploetzlich den Vergebenston wahrgenommen. Da ist der Auszug aus The Daily Mail (der Text stammt von Reuters) – das Wichtigste habe  ich fettgedruckt –

URSUF, Ukraine, den 25. Maerz (Reuters) – das aeusserst rechte Asow-Bataillon, dessen Symbol erinnert an das Hakenkreuz auf dem gelben Hintergrund, bereitet sich die Hafenstadt Mariupol  im Suedostteil der Ukraine  gegen den vermutlichen Angriff der pro-russischen Separatisten zu verteidigen.

Ein Tausend aeusserst ultra-nazionalistische Kaempfer haben sich im Laufe des fast schon Jahreskonfliktes als eifrige regierungsfreundliche Kampfkraft bewaehrt, die die Friedensanstrengungen verachtet.

Allerdings haben die radikalen Ansichten der Befehlshaber der Einheit von der Nationalgarde, die neben der Armee handelt, sowie die Anwendung der Symbole, die die Nazi-Embleme nachbilden, Besorgnis im Westen sowie in Russland erregt. Auch ist es nicht ausgeschlossen, dass nach dem Ende des Kampfes koennen diese Kampfkraefte Front gegen die Kiew`s Regierung machen.

Azov Hitler2012 galten die den Hitlergruss machenden Fussballfans als eine «Nazi-Rotte», jetzt ist das schon eine Bataillon, die unter dem Hakenkreuz in die Schlacht geht und deren Mitgliedern kaum jemand noch in seinem Verehrung dem Nazismus uebertreffen kann (sh. Foto links), sie nicht nur «erinnern» an die Nazis, sondern auch «nachahmen» denen. Selbstverstaendlich stimmt das mit ihrer Darstellung als «harte Kaempfer», bzw. «Verteidiger» gegen das ewige Uebel, also die «pro-russischen Separatisten» – die beliebten uebler Kerle der westlichen Medien kaum ueberein.

Das Streben des Asow’s Kaempfer dem Nazismus zu verehren ist so stark, dass sie tatsaechlich Fotos faelschen. Sie faelschen Fotos um Hakenkreuze dorthin hinzuzufuegen. Die Untersuchungen haben festgestellt, dass das Hakenkreuz auf dem Foto hinzugefuegt worden war, nachdem hat der Asow’s Mitglied Oleg Penya es auf der Seite in einem sozialen Netzwerk vorgefuert –


VitaDenken Sie mal einfach nach, wenn diese ukrainischen Neonazis genau so uebel sind, wie die 2012 den Hitlergruss machenden Fussballfans, dann haben die Aktivitaeten der «pro-russischen Separatisten» zweifellos Sinn…
In der Tat sind die Nazis sicherlich unendlich schlimmer. Was passiert, wenn man den Neonazis in einer Kampfzone die Handlungsfreiheit gewaehrt, das Hass sowie die Ueberzeugung daran, dass jeder im Donbass ein «pro-russischer Separatist» ist, anheizt, dabei die umfassende Unterstuetzung sowie von den einheimischen, als auch von den westlichen Medien leistet?… Sie werden dann genau so wie Vita Zaverucha handeln – ein Neonazi-Mitglied der Asow-Bataillon, die im Donbass mit dem Granatwerfer ein Dorf mit der Zivillbevoelkerung beschiesst.

Hat jemand Glueck das in den westlichen Medien zu finden? Kaum, aber Vita Zaverucha ist leicht zu finden – ihr Foto gibt es auf dem Seitepaar der franzoesischen ELLE  in einem Artikel, den Vita`s eigene Mutter kaum mehr ausdrucksvoller schreiben koennte, als «eine besondere Art der Kaempfer» genannt.

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Da sind noch ein Paar Fotos des «besonderen Kaempfers» –

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Sicherlich geben die westlichen Medien das Vorliegen des unbaendigen Neonazismus unter den ukrainische Kampfkraeften bis zu einem gewissen Grad zu. Aber wie koennten sie das tun ohne sie als «ueble Kerle» anzuprangern? Ganz einfach – man spricht mit denen und dann veroeffentlicht die besten von deren Selbstfertigunge.

Fullscreen capture 28032015 181600.bmpIn einem Interview mit USA TODAY hat er zugegeben, dass er ein Nazi ist, und sagte lachend dabei, dass nicht mehr als die Haelfte seiner Kameraden Nazis sind. Seinen Worten nach, unterstuetzt er die starke Regierung in der Ukraine, wie in Deutschland zu den Zeiten des 2. Weltkrieges, ist jedoch gegen den Genozid an Juden. Er hat auch betont, dass man gegenueber den Minoritaeten so lange tolerant bleiben kann, bis sie friedlich sind und keine besondere Privilegien fordern, auch das Eigentum von reichen Oligarchen soll wegenommen und nationalisiert werden.

Andrej Djatschenko, der Vertreter der Asow-Brigade sagte, dass nur 10% bis 20% von den Gruppenmitgliedern Nazis sind. «Ich weiss, dass Alex ein Nazi ist, was aber seine eigene Ideologie ist. Das hat nichts mit der offiziellen Ideologie von Asow zu tun» – so Djatschenko. «Er ist aber ein gutter Sergeant fuer Gefechtsexerzieren und Schusswaffenbesitz».

So beantworten  die westlichen Medien ihre eigene Frage – eine der Schluesselfragen des Krieges im Donbass – was ist zu tun, wenn die Leute, die frueher Nazis genannt wurden, jetzt nicht mehr so genannt werden duerfen? Versuch` doch das nicht zu tun, aber wenn das jedoch absolut unvermeidlich ist, dann finde doch sympatische Fotos von denen und stell` sie als nette Neonazis dar!


Vielen Dank an Natalia Freitag für die deutsche Übersetzung!